فهرست مطالب sheida saberi

With the passage of time, the sources of historiography have become wide and diverse, and this change has come about with new findings and, more importantly, a change of attitude towards historiography and its sources. Iran's Islamic revolution, which took place with political and social support in February 1979, has reproduced sources of written and oral history more than any historical event in contemporary Iran. A part of it is documents, photos, letters and conversations of various people who participated in this event or were witnesses and narrators of this event. Wall writings are one of the important sources for analyzing and understanding the nature of struggles and events of the Islamic Revolution, which instead of producing analytical writings, include short writings and images, and examining them as a reflection of the ideology, political and social attitude of popular struggles, party activism, and explaining the nature of the revolutionary Islam is the issue of the present article. In fact, the study of wall writings as an oral and complementary source of historiography of the contemporary period, which is compiled based on the descriptive and analytical method, is the subject and method of this article. Also, this article seeks to answer the question that how did the graffiti that spread in all the cities of Iran during the period leading to the revolution, convey the message of the revolution from different social and political groups? In addition, the emphasis of the article is on graffiti and their themes, which are accessible and viewable based on the images in the collection of photographs collected by photographers and archival sources and documents through their electronic pages.

In 1950-1953, oil was an important subject in political events in Iran contemporary history. Debate of 1933 contract, government’s locality in relation to it appointment of Mossadeq as prime minister and other events of his government added to importance of this historical period of Iran past. National movement’s motives and goals were emphasis on “national sovereignty” and “independence”. Reaction of oil nationalization of Iran in all of Iran’s cities presents political-social Parties and organization's activities as basic centers of them. In fact, religious cities, oilfield and tribal areas. These regions played in oil nationalization of Iran. This paper based on compiled documents, represents action and reaction of people of different cities as centers of activities of branches of Parties or spontaneous struggles. in this article, it’s been studied Partie's role and activities of them in cities of Iran, the Press, both local and formal newspapers, telegrams, announcements and declarations that issued by clergy and people duties. In this essay it will be concluded that in spite of regional, local and social differences in all of Iran.

Capitulation (relinquishing jurisdiction within a state’s borders over the subjects of a foreign state) means immunity of foreigners from prosecution according to the law of the host country. The imposition of this legal regime is an indication of the surrender of the weak state to the foreign powers. After the second round of Iran-Russia wars, the conclusion of the Treaty of Turkmenchay paved the ground for formation of a particular definition of capitulation in Qajar-era practical politics in Iran. The implementation of this legal regime caused various adverse political, social and cultural consequences for the country. The significance of capitulation in Iranian political structure lies in breach of the country’s national sovereignty. Two preconditions were required for a foreign national residing in Iran to enjoy this immunity in the host country: 1- Law and sanctions; 2- The existence of a power based on which the national rights would be accepted by the beneficiary states. With respect to the impact of capitulation on understanding of the foreign nationals of the judiciary structure, sovereignty and political power of the host country, the statesmen provided a clear-cut definition of national sovereignty and embarked on determination of the limits of codified laws to defend the law against abuse by foreign nationals, who were believed to undermine the authority of the sovereign state and ignore national independence. To that end, and to understand about political understandings of capitulation, this paper has paid attention to the reactions by three political personalities in different situations to capitulation: Amir Kabir the chancellor of Naseraddin Shah of Qajar Dynasty, Mosadeq prime minister during the period marked for nationalization of Iranian oil industry, and Imam Khomeini an outstanding opponent to and critic of granting the right of capitulation as a government bill in the course of Shah's so-called The White Revolution. This paper has been developed based on a comparative study in such a way that ideas and perspectives of the three personalities namely Amir Kabir, Mosadeq and Imam Khomeini as well as their understanding of capitulation have been analyzed. This paper poses a central question: In view of the three personalities, how do capitulation and breach of the national sovereignty affect Iran's political position and its foreign relations with other countries?

Iran contemporary history includes colonial anti-colonial autocracy, antiautocratic. This dialogue affected middle classes. Attitude of classesʼ classes in political, social and economic indicates their reactions differently. So, in oil industry national move ment, most of representatives of these clases have important role, participation, connection with sovereignty; Dr. Mossadeq government and attitude of this. This paper analyses roles of classesʼ aspect of compositive teory about individualism, collectivism and connection both of them. In fact, this teory tells this movement neither individualism, not collectivism, perhaps both of them affected by movement’s results. So, this research presents place of classes in oil industry national movement and role of them in it. Therefore, compositive theory corresponds social forces and middle classes in this era of history contemporary in Iran.

Devotion is an affair in Islamic societies; this was desired aspect social, economic and religious. In fact devotion has been cultural action that includes public revenues. There is attention to public rents in education in Islam, too. Many people like to stay their names or works after their death so they spend their part of their properties for welfare affairs. These include building mosques, schools, facilities and every things that help people’s quiet. Some people built schools (Madrase). These places were important in Islamic Iran because they similar to mosque and their role was promotion of Islamic thought especially in Safavid era, Shi’at thought. Therefore, in this time schools were places for education and promotion Shi’at religion. Chahar-Bagh school is a symbol of these kinds. This paper represents role of function of teachers and students in this school and discuss their position in devotion‘s affair. In fact, main theme is surveying the effect of devotion in education of Shi’at in Safavid era. Chahar-Bagh school and studying its situation in edification and pedagogy shows to us role of teachers, students, their functions and lessons theme that taught by Benefactors’ orders.

Khalil Maleki, the intellectual and spiritual leader of Zahmatkeshan-e Mellat-e Iran Party (Nirou-ye Sevom), was also one of the influential figures of contemporary history of Iran. He was one of figures whom theirs’ writings and speeches were always towards the explanation and providing solutions to improve the situation of society. He succeeded to analyze the structure of the nationalization of Iran's oil industry movement with introducing Intellectual and ideological framework and to present solutions to prevent reiteration of movement leaders’ mistakes. He did this job based on a political awareness which was a result of his party activities and his participation in Ideological and Intellectual debates. In this paper authors tried to evaluate the influences of Khalil Maleki theories and political writings in the understanding of Iran political events during the era of the movement of nationalization of Iran's oil industry. This evaluation is based on his accessible works such as his essays in Shahed Newspaper and also notes about him and his Ideas in contemporary figures’ works and published researches about him. The main problem of this paper is to review the political and intellectual approaches of Khalil Maleki, as a figure which has been introduced in many research sources as the owner of ‘Third Force Theory’. Although many works has been written on the Maleki’s Third force (Nirou-ye Sevom), but this paper in a different approach only focused on his political and intellectual viewpoints on the movement of nationalization of Iran's oil industry.