جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « توسعه گرایی » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

Iran’s 1979 revolution caused some changes in the class structure of society and led to a kind of class mobility. After the revolution, the relationship between the government and social classes formed differently based on the level of adherence of each class to the agreed values of the government. Moreover, freedom and justice-seeking slogans during the revolutionary process were a reflection of the democratic and development demands of the new middle class. Now, considering the reformistic and democratic desires of the new middle class and its role in the process of revolution, we encounter a question what changes has Iran post-revolution’s middle class experienced in terms of size, demands, and interaction with the government?This article, which has been done by documentary analysis, has used two different sets of data: the economic data (consumption expenditure per capita) has been obtained from the Brookings Institute. The second type of data, including the rate of university education and white-collar workers (employment), has been obtained from Iran’s statistical yearbooks and the results of the population and housing censuses for different years in Iran.The findings show that the size of the new middle class has increased which is an outcome of the renovation of the war-torn country, the reforms pursued by the Hashemi Rafsanjani and Khatami states and expanding of education across the country. This new middle class has tried to pursue its demands which have been ignored by the government. This contradiction has created some challenges in the relationship between the government and the new middle class.

After the victory of communist revolution in China, Nationalism had been combined with communist teachings as result of cultural revolution at the Mao era. The outputs of mentioned process caused to formation of ideological and transnational principles in Chinese foreign policy. But after nearly three decades, People's Republic of China has not achieved its foreign goals and faced with turmoil in domestic economy. Therefore, at the late of 1970s Beijing endeavored to improving their relations with the outside world, especially with the United States. Over the 1980s-decade transnationalism ideas replaced with pragmatist nationalism. These developments paved the way for control the nationalism narrative by China development-oriented government. It is important to point out that one of the most important factors which influence states foreign policy is the kind of nationalism narrative. There are different kinds of nationalism in china's political temporary discourse, but only one of them has taken dominant position in China’s foreign policy. The aim of this article is to analyze the conceptual developments of Chinese nationalism and its impact on the development-oriented foreign policy. The research will examine main kinds of nationalistic attitudes in China and try to answer the following question: how do dominant narrative of nationalism contribute to construct the development-oriented foreign policy in china? Developmental outlook of China has directed it to interpret and promulgate nationalism in a pragmatist way as well as along its development-oriented foreign policy.

To analyze above mentioned issues the authors used a research desk method; we used various international publications, like monographs, scientific articles, and statistical data. This research has written by descriptive-analytic method and constructivism theory used as analytical framework.

Researchers owing to the goal of their research have classified Chinese nationalism from different perspectives. The authors of this article divided Chinese nationalism into three following categories: ethnical nationalism, liberal nationalism and pragmatism nationalism. The first one (ethnic nationalism) is usually defined as “to the process whereby a group or community that shares a common history, culture, language, and territory is persuaded to assert its identity in such a way that it acquires the authority to be in charge of its own affairs, usually through the creation of an independent state.” When ethnic nationalist interests are mobilized to achieve state interests, that is, state nationalism, a more assertive brand of nationalism tends to emerge. The second one (liberal nationalism) was introduced in the early twentieth century as a means to improve China through political and social reforms. It defines the nation as a group of citizens who have a duty to support and defend the rights of their state in the world of nation-states, but also to pursue individual freedoms. The third one (pragmatist nationalism) is a state-led and largely reactive, pragmatist nationalism does not have a fixed, objectified and eternally defined content, nor is it driven by any ideology, religious beliefs or other abstract ideas. This kind of nationalism is a form of nationalism that is more ready to compromise with the outside world for the sake of state interests. After Deng Xiaoping launched the reform pragmatist nationalism has taken significant foreign policy implications. China’s diplomacy began to serve economic development under the guidance of keeping a low profile and accumulating strength quietly. In addition, nationalism is becoming more influential within the government as it begins to overshadow communism and becomes the concept that draws the government and people closer to the economic objectives more effectively.

Facing chronic economic problems and acute political crisis at home and from a relatively weak geopolitical position abroad, the Chinese state took a pragmatic attitude toward nationalism and made sure that China’s foreign policy was not dictated by emotional rhetoric. The results of the article shows that China's development-oriented foreign policy has compelled Chinese ruling party to economic interpretation of nationalism which have led to impressive economic indexes so that will replace the US dominant economic status in third decade of new millennium.

However, what is considered in these explanations are the beginning of Chinese developmentalism, in fact, the end of a long-term process in the evolution of the Chinese mentality. In other words, the emergence of a developmentalist attitude in China should not be separated from the historical context and the process of its development, and it should be attributed only to the 1970s and some institutional reforms or Deng Xiaoping personal traits. Inspired by Thomas Kuhn's scientific revolutions and the introduction of the concept of " attitude paradigm", and by process exploration, this article examines the characteristics and developments of the Chinese collective attitude and mentality, especially Chinese leaders, over the past two centuries and shows that developmentalist leaders' approach of China in the late 1970s actually originated from a change in the attitude paradigm that has its roots in the developments of the nineteenth century. This shift in the mental and attitude paradigm, first manifested among intellectuals and then among Chinese nationalist leaders in the first half of the twentieth century, created a kind of developmental mentality among the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party, although in Mao and Under the influence of the prevailing ideological atmosphere, there was no way to succeed, but in the late 1970s, following the emergence of domestic and external opportunities and the displacement of elites, it became possible to succeed.

The visual stories of the child should be such that they simultaneously familiarize the child with the two linguistic and visual structures, eliminating his focus from text to image and vice versa and assisting him in understanding the information of the story and contributing effectively and purposefully. Perry Nodelman, a theorist in the field, argues that the correct relationship between image and text is that they both share or extend each other with specific characteristics. Otherwise, the relationship between image and text is incorrect. In order to provide a suitable context for the child's involvement with the text, he introduces certain characteristics in the analysis and critique of the correct and incorrect relation between the image and the text. The present study attempts to evaluate and critique the descriptive-analytic method of several selected child stories by Mohammad al-Abd on the basis of these characteristics. The results show that most of these stories (94%) have a correct relation between text and image. Also, the image and text extension index plays a large role (61%) in the correct relation between text and image. Accordingly, the storyteller and painter became aware of the child's world and his or her interests and desires and provided a deep link between the image and the context of the stories and the child's understanding of the story's information correctly, providing the context for the child's involvement with the image and the text.

The 20-Year Vision Plan has determined the grand aims from which its significant part is economic development goals and expected them to be realized on outlook 1404. The realizing of the objectives of the document, on the one hand, requires inside approach and, on the other, depends on the function of the foreign policy of the country. Therefore, the study of the relationship between the foreign policy function of Iran and the developmental goals of the Vision Plan has been the concern of this paper. The main question is, what is the relationship between the functioning of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the developmental goals set out in the 1404 Vision Plan? The hypothesis to testing is that seemingly as much as the degree of involvement of Iran's foreign policy in environmental tensions increases, level of its functional adaptability with the objectives of the Vision Plan is diminished. There is a kind of convergence between the tension-surrounded foreign policy of the country and the developmental Plan. Therefore, the adaptability of these two needs requirements in the economic and political spheres. The method used to explain the relationship of the correlation between the mentioned variables is descriptive-analytic one. Since in this article the Vision Plan with a strategic goal is considered as the basis for Iran's foreign policy assessment, the theoretical framework is developmental foreign policy. In this regard, the "thripal model of foreign policy performance" was used as a criterion for measuring the foreign policy performance of Iran.

During last 25 years, Central Asia’s stability has permanently witness with increasing difficult and complicated situation. All the countries of the region have experienced low or high pressures of nationalistic trends. Meanwhile appearance of domestic challenges, difficulties of the ear of independence, weakness in state- building and nation- building, spread of peripheral problems in the region, geopolitical vacuum, and finally activities of regional and international players especially after 9/11, have made very complicated the security sphere of Central Asia. In a such condition of cooperation and competition of foreign players, intervention of trans regional powers have a very deep impact on the regional security that could have positive or negative effects on these developments. This paper focus on this question that, “what are the opportunities for Iran and Turkey to play their role in the Central Asian security complex?” To answer this question, the authors first describe the security sphere pf Central Asia and use the theory of “Security Complex”. Then by analyzing Iran’s and Turkey’s capacities to play role in this context. The method of this research is descriptive- analytical.

Creating balance between utilizing the facilities of globalization for development, in conditions that globalization is the dominant paradigm on development on one hand and maintaining the revolutionary position and stances of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign policy on the other, is one of the main difficulties in the realization of the development of the country. Therefore, one of the questions in this regard is: Which pattern must the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran follow in order to maintain the Islamic and revolutionary identity of the Islamic Republic and at the same time be a factor and facilitator for utilizing the facilities of the international system in developing the country? The key to solve the dual enigma of developmentalism and being revolutionary in foreign policy depends on the extent of the role which we consider for the foreign policy in general and the opportunities of globalization in particular in development. The present article uses descriptive and analytical method and aims at presenting a model for solving the duality of being revolutionary and developmentalism in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The results indicated that foreign policy in the matrix of the development of the country is not the necessary condition, rather the main solution for development is inclining towards internal capabilities, endogeneity and trying to create and actualize internal talents and capacities and the foreign policy as a catalyst must widen the doors of foreign facilities for strengthening the growth and development of internal capacities. In this case, the continuity of revolutionary acts in the foreign policy will face fewer barriers.

From the late 1980s, the development-oriented paradigm has become a dominant approach in China's foreign policy. Hereby, Beijing tries to absorb the international resources in its national economy. After four decades, the Chinese economy has made remarkable progress by applying peaceful interactive foreign policy. Beijing now has substantial oversea economic and political interests. Maintaining and expanding these interests are top priority in China's foreign policy. But pure emphasis on economy in foreign policy will not materialize the mentioned priority. China's fifth-generation elites are aware about this shortcoming. So in Xi Jinping's era, China's development-oriented foreign policy has faced with modifications. Therefore, this question comes up that how the range and continuity of China’s development-oriented foreign policy has been in the Xi Jinping period? Even though Xi Jinping has commitment to China's development oriented foreign policy; but it has attached with more Political-military assertiveness. This hypothesis will be tested in the framework of Adrian Leftwich developmental state theory as well as Robert Kagan’s theory on history. This research has been undergone by descriptive-analytic method.

Malaysia, as one of the most developed Muslim countries in East Asia, has become a developed country with a dramatic income growth in less than four decades. It has gone through the process of industrialization and activation as a productive economy and the process of industrialization and activation as it produces a productive economy and is still deepening it. Due to global developments, the country is currently active in many fields of production and creativity. It is unlikely that Mahatyr Mohammad’s era (1981-2003) is one of the main periods of the development of this country. He is an elite and thinker of development. The characteristic of the developmental elites is the firm determination to advance development, adhere to economic growth and development, and their ability to advance their goals. Reviewing the viewpoints of Mahatyr Mohammad represents the angle of thought of one of the most progressive leaders in the Muslims world. The present article seeks to study the main views of Mahatyr Mohammad as a developing thinker in order to extract and highlight the main veins of developmentalism in his thought.