جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « طبقه متوسط » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

in this article, an attempt is made to explain Iran's foreign policy by emphasizing some variables of James Rosena, such as the government, society and the structure of the international system. In addition, its evaluation should be paid during the period (about 1.5 years) of the Rasis's state. The question of this article is: What changes has Iran's foreign policy undergone in the light of the demands, values and norms of the groups and middle classes of the society, the foreign tendencies of the government and the relationship with the great powers? The explanation to be proven is: the identity and value distinction of the 13th state with groups and the middle class, especially women and young people, is going on at different levels and dimensions, especially in the field of foreign policy. The similarity of identity between these groups with culture The West has caused America and Western European countries to align with them. On the other hand, the Rasis’s state is trying to confront the West, especially the United States, by strengthening its view of the East and trying to establish a strategic relationship with China and Russia. The findings of the research indicate that the variables of the state and the international system have the greatest impact, and the variables of the society, especially the values, norms and demands of the middle class, play a marginal role in the direction of the Rasis's foreign policy

There is a close connection between domestic policy and foreign policy in the contemporary world. Meanwhile, the expansion and strengthening of the middle class and increasing its role as the driver of the development of societies is influenced by the governments' foreign policy. In this regard, the aim of this research is to explain the consequences of Iran's foreign policy on the position and fate of the middle class. The main question is: What effect has Iran's foreign policy approaches had on the middle class? Have these approaches led to the strengthening or weakening of the middle class? The hypothesis of the research is that "Iran's foreign policy strategy is based on the priority of security issues over economic development, and this has caused neglect of economic goals, and as a result, the position of the middle class in Iran has been weakened." The theoretical framework of the research is a free use of the literature of development-oriented foreign policy. The article deals with this issue with a qualitative approach and using the method of analyzing events. This study is a library-documentary research. The findings of the research indicate that this activist class has lost its social, economic, political and cultural dignity in the last two decades and this situation is the result of foreign policy and its impact on the economic conditions of the country and on the fate of the middle class as the drivers of changes and the dynamics of society

This study attempts to analyze the representation of the female subject in the narrative and visual content of home theater in the Mannequin series. For this purpose, by applying the constructivist approach of Richard Dyer and Stuart Hall’s theory of representation as the theoretical framework and Fisk’s semiotic analysis method in three levels of codes of reality, representation, and ideology, Mannequin series has been examined and evaluated. The research method of this study is a qualitative analysis with an inductive approach. According to the topic and the research problem, deploying qualitative and semiotic methods is the best technique to analyze this topic. The results indicate that the ideological codes of the series are a combination of several codes that together show the class of the woman character in the series. The upper-class female characters in Mannequin series look for fashion, extravagance, variety, and luxury life. On the other hand, the middle or lower-class women in the series are representations of the lone women's turmoil in society who are not able to find the correct and upright ways to achieve their desires and thus go astray. For the single women in the family, who are full of selfishness and self-interest, the Mannequin series leaves no choice but to prostitute themselves and trust in the criminals of society. In summarizing the contents, the following can be mentioned about the Mannequin series: home cinema, which could have been a qualitative alternative to the national television, causes serious damage to the cinema and the culture of our Iranian-Islamic society by turning to such low-quality and worthless series in terms of technical structure and moral themes.

Iran’s 1979 revolution caused some changes in the class structure of society and led to a kind of class mobility. After the revolution, the relationship between the government and social classes formed differently based on the level of adherence of each class to the agreed values of the government. Moreover, freedom and justice-seeking slogans during the revolutionary process were a reflection of the democratic and development demands of the new middle class. Now, considering the reformistic and democratic desires of the new middle class and its role in the process of revolution, we encounter a question what changes has Iran post-revolution’s middle class experienced in terms of size, demands, and interaction with the government?This article, which has been done by documentary analysis, has used two different sets of data: the economic data (consumption expenditure per capita) has been obtained from the Brookings Institute. The second type of data, including the rate of university education and white-collar workers (employment), has been obtained from Iran’s statistical yearbooks and the results of the population and housing censuses for different years in Iran.The findings show that the size of the new middle class has increased which is an outcome of the renovation of the war-torn country, the reforms pursued by the Hashemi Rafsanjani and Khatami states and expanding of education across the country. This new middle class has tried to pursue its demands which have been ignored by the government. This contradiction has created some challenges in the relationship between the government and the new middle class.

Social mobility takes shape of a physical aspect which makes it possible to translate downward mobility in the physical space. Huge inflation and decrease of purchasing power during the recent years have led to downward mobility of middle class in Iran. Various facets of decrease in physical and social space have to be studied. For this purpose, 20 cases who had experienced such situation have been interviewed. Making use of the most famous coding family of grounded theory, this research categorizes the interviews into contexts, causes, turning points, consequences of involuntary exit from city or neighborhood, and strategies of the outcasts. The research shows that people long after move to new place assume that residence in the new place is temporary. They are ashamed of ascribing themselves to that place trying to actively keep distance from the inhabitants. This along with exclusion from family-friend network of relations and the isolation resulted from this exclusion diminishes any possibility for their political agency in order to make a change in the state of affairs.

The fundamental issues in political sociology are examining the position and function of social forces in political and social developments and their impact on the legitimacy of the ruling structure. Among the various social classes, the role of the middle class as an influential class in legitimizing the ruling structure has always been highlighted. This study aimed to explain the position and role of the middle class in Iran’s political and social developments. In addition, the middle class’s role in the legitimacy of the ruling structure from the beginning of the Islamic Revolution in Iran until 2013 was studied. The present article used the descriptive-analytical method based on library studies. The research results showed that the middle class was considered the main class in the socio-political developments of Iran. Moreover, the middle class used the following components to play an important role in legitimizing the ruling structure: being the class accompanying the ideology of the system, trying to transition to democracy in Iran, strengthening political participation, strengthening relations with influential groups and parties in the political arena, and strengthening the political culture.

The aim of this article is to theoretically explain the role of the middle class in the political development of Iran after the Islamic Revolution, while filling the wide gap in the study of the middle class, to revive the issue of political development in Iran after the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, the grounded theory method in the form of open, central and selective coding has been used in the first stage and by in-depth interviews with 18 experts (university professors, experts and political activists) to explain the theoretical model of the role of the middle class. Iran's political development after the Islamic Revolution. This model consists of six main themes: 1) causal conditions (enjoyment of political rights and political identity); 2) background conditions (political participation); 3) Interventional conditions (political capacity and facilities, social barriers, cultural barriers and economic barriers); 4) central category (meeting political needs and demands); 5) Strategies (management strategies); 6) Consequences (political, social, cultural and economic consequences). The research findings show that officials and policy makers for the political development of the middle class should pay attention to all categories of causal conditions, contexts, interventions, strategies and consequences and go through the identified steps to improve the position of the middle class.

Social classification is a type of social segregation in which social hierarchies and situations are important. With the advent of Karl Marx, the term class took on a special meaning and became one of the fundamental concepts in the contemporary social sciences. Examining the historical developments and social movements in the last few centuries, In Iran and after the Islamic Revolution and the establishment of the structure of the Islamic Republic, following changes in the main areas of society (political, economic, social and cultural) in the field of classes, some changes occurred. The purpose of this article is to explain the position of the middle class in the socio-political developments of Iran after the Islamic Revolution until 2013. The purpose of this article is to explain the position and role of the middle class in the political and social developments in Iran.Examining the position and function of social forces in political and social developments as well as its impact on the legitimacy of the ruling structure is one of the basic issues in political sociology.. The results of the research show that the middle class is known as the main class in the socio-political developments of Iran, which uses components such as the class accompanying the ideology of the system, trying to transition to democracy in Iran, strengthening political participation , strengthening relations with Influential groups and parties in the political arena and strengthening the political culture has been able to play an important role in legitimizing the ruling structure.

The relationship between the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the middle class is one of the important issues in the field of Islamic Revolution and the political sociology of the Revolution. The discourse developments of the Islamic Revolution in the dimension of floating signs have caused a sinusoidal movement in the relationship between the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the middle class, which in turn has led to various changes and developments in Iranian politics in the era of the Islamic Republic. The question of the present study focuses on the relationship between the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the middle class. The hypothesis of the article is that: Due to the colorful role of the middle class in the field of modern governance, the governments of the Islamic Republic, based on their sub-discourse, have provided a beautiful answer in interaction with the middle class. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library. The research findings indicate that most of the sub-discourses of the Islamic Revolution, due to their floating signs, have sought to provide preferences over the traditional and new layers of the middle class, and as a result of these preferences, reduce or increase the strength and power of the middle class. Or have become its traditional and new layers.

Among the various social classes, the role of the middle class as an influential class in legitimizing the ruling structure has always been considered. The purpose of this article is to explain the position and role of the middle class in the political and social developments in Iran, Also, the role of the middle class on the legitimacy of the ruling structure from the beginning of the Islamic Revolution in Iran until 2013 has been studied. Examining the position and function of social forces in political and social developments as well as its impact on the legitimacy of the ruling structure is one of the basic issues in political sociology. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and based on library studies. The results of the research show that the middle class is known as the main class in the socio-political developments of Iran, which uses components such as the class accompanying the ideology of the system, trying to transition to democracy in Iran, strengthening political participation , strengthening relations with Influential groups and parties in the political arena and strengthening the political culture has been able to play an important role in legitimizing the ruling structure.

What is “prosperity” and how it is fulfilled, is differently manifested in the views of scholars. Out of these scholars, Aristotle, through transition from the realities of Man and society to the ideal of prosperity, holds a remarkable viewpoint. Aristotle sees prosperity in ethical and intellectual virtue and believes that fulfillment of prosperity depends on a political society because Man is inherently social. Thus, the ultimate objectives of politic is the fulfillment of virtue and, in turn, the happiness of the Man and the society. Accordingly, the success of a political system resides in the virtue of the citizens and depends upon an appropriate economic order which is moderate in wealth and focused on beneficence to the public. The Aristotle’s prescribed economic order believes in private and intermediary ownership and shared consumption because wealth in excess and poverty in merest, impede virtue and bring about its decay. The manifestation of this moderate economy is middle class state in which fraternity is the dominant virtue of political society. Thus, Aristotle prefers an all-inclusive and realizable virtue among the community over the Neverland and elite-oriented virtue of Plato.

Social class is one of the concepts that is very important for social scientists and at the same time this concept has been very controversial. Scholars in this field do not agree much on the definition of class, field and its application, structure and related theories, and have analyzed it from different perspectives, sometimes only from an economic, sometimes political and sometimes in addition, the economic and political dimensions of the social and cultural dimensions have been studied, and others discuss the disappearance of class. The kind of view of thinkers on this concept can create different procedures in the field of issues and concepts of stratification, social class and middle class. This article examines and compares the views of social and middle class thinkers in Iran with meta-analysis method and compares their views in the fields of social class concept, social class structure, typological features structure and middle class function. The study courses of the observers on the social class are before Qajar, Qajar, Pahlavi and the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The results show that the most agreement on the concept of class is related to the criteria: 1. Occupational, 2. Economic and common opportunities Life is equal 3. Power and ownership and 4. Understanding historical conditions. These theorists also have commonalities and differences in the fields of class structure, characteristics, typology and functions of social and middle class.

Symbolic violence is a type of violence against women, in which violence has come out of the obvious and physical aspects and has become secret and symbolic.

This study is a qualitative study based on the Grounded theory of 15 deep interviews among educated women in Mashhad city.

20 main categories and one core category were extracted from data encoding in this study. The concept of “Women’s agency in the face of symbolic violence” was called the core concept. And other categories include the involvement of husband’s relatives, Subjective orientation of spouse’s marital activity, Instability in norms of marriage life, Accessibility of Supplements, Accessibility of complementary supplements, Increasing awareness among women, Socio-economic equality as the causal condition; Also the persistence / shakiness of family life, the perpetuation / descent of women in the family, the level of domestic violence and the calm / confusion of the family environment As a consequence, data from this research were extracted.

Middle-class women with resources such as public and university education, and better access to financial resources, social protection, and legal authority have made it impossible for their husbands to realize the potential for overt and direct violence. But a more subtle and covert form of violence is experienced by women. In the meantime, there is a kind of feminine management and agency in women, which is cleverly designed to eliminate or at least alleviate the symbolic violence in the field of married life, so that it minimizes costs for their husbands.

The purpose of this article is to describe the degree of religiosity of breadwinners and heads of middle-class families in Tehran. To do this, we examined the phenomenon as a cultural asset of the middle-class based on Bourdieu's theoretical framework. In order to have a more accurate picture of middle-class religiosity, this social class was divided into three layers of low, medium, and high, based on the household cost and education indexes, then the degree of religiosity of each as a kind of cultural asset was investigated. This has also been measured in another form of grouping that considers belief, worshiping, ritual and consequential dimensions. The research was done by survey method and by questionnaire tool. For this reason a sample of 613 people from the heads of middle-class families in Tehran was selected using PS method. The results of the survey showed that belief and consequential dimensions are in an inverse proportion to the socioeconomic level of individuals; as individuals above the upper middle class show less religiosity than the middle and lower layers. There is also an inverse relationship between the two variables of education and household costs and the belief and consequential dimensions. The theoretical framework of the research shows that the consequential aspect of religion as an expression of cultural asset can create a distinction in the middle class.

The sociology of stratums and social inequalities book by RasoulRabani and Abraham Ansari was evaluated for improving of human science resources. Of the book advantages are the study of social inequalities dimensions as some subjects as women and social stratum, religions and social stratum, ethnics and social inequalities, policy and social stratum and two chapters as subject as the case study of  middle class  in Iran and USA. The formal generality factors have not been regarded as an educational book in university. The formal and content evaluation shows that this book doesn’t meet the need of scientific society in sociology of stratum and social inequalities field despite of the third edition because the book isn’t problem- oriented, it has no the theoretical presupposition and methodology and the book content has not been arranged around of main question and if the book is subject –oriented, itisn’t as a book as educational and scientific one and furthermore, it is similar to an article collection.

This article examines the relationship between the Rentier state and the middle class in the middle of the years of 1997-2005. The main question of this article is what is the relationship between the Rentier state in the current and the middle class in Iran? The main hypothesis of the paper is that the relationship between the state and the middle class in this period was a relationship based on mutual reinforcement, and government policies in this period, despite the Rentierism, were based on the strengthening of the middle class. The results of the research show that the reform government has tried to adopt policies aimed at political development, including in the area of civil liberties, Press freedom, anticorruption, government size reduction and accountability in line with the values of the middle class. The study of field data and reports from international institutions in this area also confirms that the status of the middle class has improved in this period.

This research aims to answer this basic question that what was the most important cultural barrier in second Pahlavi era that impeded the Iran society in reaching political development? Also what were second Pahlavi´s main actions in depriving Iran society from achieving political development? This article inspired by Weber´s approach in importance of culture and also by Engelhardt´s revised renewal approach by using historical and documentary research methods. To do this research, we have referred actual and virtual libraries and we have done analytical inspection and taking notes from books and original documents related to the subject of this research and conducting analysis accompanied with Meta-analysis.
Findings showed that dictatorship and authoritarian culture governing over society and political system and autocratic and dictatorship management of Mohammad Reza Shah toward  different institutions in society, suppression of civil society, sever censorship over publishing books and newspapers, dissolution of independent cultural and social associations and critical political parties which dependent on new middle class, and also interrupting free dynamic, critical intellectual flow, were among the most important cultural barrier of political development and failure of Iran´s society in reaching political development in second Pahlavi’s era.

Political development is one of the branches of development with the goal of progress, industrialization, elimination of poverty, elimination of dependence, structural changes and reforms in all sectors of society, and the transition from the unfavorable state of the past to better conditions. Political development is related to the position and role of the middle class in society. Because the middle class position is a structural position tied to political power. The identity of this class requires the presence of the ruling class and the lower class of society. In a division, this class is divided into a traditional one, which is the traditional middle class, the petty bourgeoisie, the merchants and the peasant landowners, while the new middle class includes the wage-laborers, the technocrats, and the educated classes of society. It should be. In the second Pahlavi period, despite all the pressures, the middle class, in particular the traditional middle class of the clergy and the market, actively participated in the struggle against the government and the modernization and secularization of the Shah. In contrast to religious beliefs and national and religious traditions, the ruling class stood against it. On the one hand, the contradiction between the state and the nation, which was the product of the introduction of modernity to Iran, was the main concern of the new middle class, especially the intellectual circle.