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the process of social maturity is formed based on verses and Hadiths in different periods of time. Knowing each of these he title by which the Holy Qur'an mentions the family system, and the dignity of man and woman in this system, is an issue that has been studied in this research by the method of inferential thematic interpretation. In the family system in the Qur'an, a man is the “protector” and this concept is different from patriarchy; Maintaining the dignity of woman in this system is one of the most important features of the Quranic family, which has many functions; A place of peace, a psychological shelter for man and children, building the future, obedience and responsibility in the family, honesty and protection of the pure generation, teacher and mentor, preservation of the family’s financial resources and wealth, preservation and protection of respect and honor, legitimate provision of sexual needs, Designing the nutrition and health of family members is one of the important social roles of a muslim woman. It is possible to perform this role by performing tasks such as housekeeping, husbandry and child rearing, protection and spiritual needs of the family while maintaining the dignity of the “guardian” and “protector” man. The position of a man in the Quranic family system is protector, manager, guardian, chief, Amir and leader of family members and wife. Therefore, we can talk about the structure of authority in thestages, along with their special features and characteristics, empowers humans to benefit from different conditions. One of these periods is the ministry period, which means the third seven years of life. In this period, the teenager is compared to a minister, which indicates that this stage of life is a different period. Therefore, the way of communicating with the teenager and his sociability are different compared to the previous periods. In fact, in this period of time, if the children have a favorable relationship with socialization structures, the ground for important functions such as timely marriage, family formation and familiarity with social responsibilities will be provided. One thing that should be noted is that social maturity and familiarity with social roles and responsibilities are not present in a teenager’s existence as recorded since birth. Its actualization is dependent on the desired relationship with the structures of socialization and the acquisition of special characteristics in this period. This article tries to investigate and analyze the process of social maturity and its obvious function from the perspective of verses and traditions with a descriptive-analytical method. The findings of the research show that the acquisition of social identity and empowerment is one of the important and effective features in the ministry period, which makes children appear capable in playing social roles and can assume social responsibilities.

Today, there are different governmental positions in the range of the leadership of nation to presidency, ministry, and the supervision of provinces. Many jurists and experts, based on religious narratives, believe that masculinity is a condition of guardianship and presidency, and forbid women to get governmental positions. This descriptive-analytical research tries to analyze the most important reasons mentioned by jurists and experts of political jurisprudence with a documentary method, and to compare the findings with governmental and social positions in the Islamic Republic of Iran. After reviewing the related written sources, we concluded that the condition of masculinity in guardianship and leadership is accepted by the majority of Sunni jurists and many Shiite jurists except some contemporary ones. The presidency, the chairmanship of the judiciary, and the supreme of military command are the obvious examples of guardianship and leadership that women are not allowed to be responsible for; but there is a doubt about its implication regarding the ministry and getting a ministerial position is not also allowed except in the cases of conflict, necessity, and/or special interests.

The emirs of Al-Muzaffar (713-795 AH) used their religious ideology to gain political legitimacy, and get public popularity. The consolidation of religious ideology was achieved through interaction with religious scholars. During the reign of Al Muzaffar,  the religious spirit overshadowed political and social issues, and rulers and religious scholars had a very close relationship. Religious thinkers with strong social role also gained considerable political power with the support of the government. This research attempts to show the important position of the religious scholars in the government of Al-Muzaffar and demonstrates how this position was created. This study which uses a descriptive-analytical method indicates that the religious scholars of this period in addition to educational, cultural and Judicial positions were also had a political role, such as interceding for rival factions in the countless wars of the Fitrat era, issuing takfir orders against opposition groups, and supporting some of the decisions of the Muzaffar rulers. In parallel with the important role of the ulema, the sultans, princes, ministers and women were also active and had a prominent role in areas like the construction of schools, mosques, libraries and allocation of endowments. The research concludes that these affairs and interactions between the rulers and the ulama helped the rulers to gain great political legitimacy.

The  Fali family Rouasa are considered as powerful social groups in judicial affairs and office in southern iran,especially in the Hormuz domain, from the seventh to 11th century. such an increasing presence of human elements in the administrative and govermental affairs, the relational situation of the Fal region after the gradual fall of Siraf from the third century, and also the political structure of Hormuz king, which provided the field of presence and activity of different kinds of human forces in its domain. in this period,  the empowerment of the Fali family in the political apparatus and the govermental, which is considered as one of the most important dynasties along with the rest of the family, and the sources of finance and finance are Hormuz. hence, the relationship between Fali as one of the govermental families in the king realm is Hormuz with the establishment of the monarchy and other clans and social groups in the persian gulf. examining the historical data and documents and analyzing historical data shows that the Fali family was an important source of wealth and power assurance in the political system of Hormuz king. the findings show that competition and conflict conflicts with other social groups on political issues and governmental as well as the efforts of the Portuguese military forces to monopolize the revenues from the Persian Gulf maritime economy combined with the import of a rival and opponent group resulted in weakening the power of the Fali ministry and the monarchy in Hormuz.

The institution of the “vizierate” was the center of Iran's bureaucratic order throughout history. The “vizier” was at the head of the system with various titles, such as the grand chancellor, the chancellor, etc., were administering the country with heads of the bureaux assistance. Some efforts were made to renovate the Iran’s bureaucratic system from the time of Nasser al-Din Shah. These efforts were two-fold: the creation of multiple ministries and the modification of the position of the Chancellor. This was simply not possible as a change in the institution of the “vizierate”. Because the institutions resisted the change. By the end of the reign of Mozaffar al-Din Shah, numerous ministerial titles were created, while the focus of affairs remained on the chancellery, without the "multiple ministries" being transformed. The blow of the Constitutional Revolution provided the force needed to make a sudden change in the “vizierate” structure. This realization came about through a new meaning consolidation of the concept of “Vizier”. This semantic consolidation was realized through the concept of "responsible minister." The concept of "responsible minister" in the bureaucratic and political contexts of Iran, had roots in the Nasseri and Mozaffari era reformists. Following the victory of the constitution, the realization of the constitutional government was considered as the "responsibility" of the ministers. On the other hand, the turbulences of the first months after the victory of the Constitutional Revolution transformed the form of the executive system and the concept of ministry into a central issue for political activists. The unification of these two factors provided the basis for a change in the institution of the “vizierate”, the removal of numerous pre-constitutional ministerial titles, and the creation of new ministries as a new institution.

Abstract The institution of the ministry, considered as the most premier institution and the head of the monarchy and caliphate bureaucratic system, played an important role in the relationship between the Iraqi Seljuk monarchy and the Abbasid caliphate. These relationships, which lasted for nearly 80years (511 to 590 AH), were divided into three distinct historical periods in terms of their ministerial role and the extent to which the ministers succeeded in empowering monarchy or caliphate. Although some well-known ministers such as ab-ol ghasem Dargozini in the first period and Kamal-ol-din mohammad Khazen in the second period, played an important role in this realationship, they didn’t succeed as much as Awnad-Din ibn Hubayra did in the third period. The purpose of this article is to examine the historical and political conditions of the Iraqi Seljuk government and the Abbasid caliphate system in a descriptive-analytical manner, while analyzing the role of the ministry in the structure of their government, to answer the question why the ingenious ministers of the first and Second period of these relations did not succeed in establishing governmental authority. The results of the present study showed that although the role of ministers in any government structure has been high or low according to their merits and abilities, but without other factors of power, such as monarchy or powerful caliphate and an organized state organization, no minister, even the most skillful of them did not succeed.

The Effect of Social Undermining on Employees Innovative Behavior in Ministry of Sports and Youth of Iran with Role Moderetor Trust Orgonazition. Abstract The purpose of this study was the Effect of Social Undermining on Employees Innovative Behavior in Ministry of Sports and Youth of Iran with Role Modertor Trust Orgonazition. The Research Method Was Descriptive Survey and it is one Type of Apply Research. The Statistical Population included all Employees the Ministry of Sports and Youth that their Number Was 400 People through Proportional Stratified Random Sampling, and 230 People Were Selected as Statistical Sample. For Data Collection we Used to three Questionnaires of Innovative Behaviour Scott and Bruce (1994), Social Undermining Duffy and et al (2002), and Orgonazition Trust Paliszkiewicz (2010). For Data Analyze, We Used to Structural Equation Modeling (S E M) and Path Analysis by the AMOS24 Software. The Results Showed a Significant and negative Relationship between Social Undermining with Innovative Behaviour. Also, the role of the organizational trust moderating variable in the relationship between Social Undermining and Innovative Behaviour is confirmed. There fore, it can be concluded that any Increase in organizational trust in the Ministry of Youth and Sports Dicreases the Social Undermining and to updated Causing Innovative employee behavior. Keywords Ministry of Sports and Youth, Colleagues undermining and supervisors,Orgonazition Trust, Innovative Behavior,Structural Equation Modeling.

The presence of Kermanian in the Timurd rule has increased their role in the the formation of the rule of sultan Abu Saeid Timo rey(855-873 AD) and sultan Hussein Bitarura(875-911AD). Suitable grounds and political and cultural motives of the Kermani ministers in Heart brought them a good place.But this research while investigating the position of the Ministry seeks to answer the question: “What areas led to the growth of Kermani ministers in the Timurid court?” And hat role have they played in the structure of the Timurid bureaucracy? The research findings indicate that the kermani ministers through their fathers were familiar with the affairs of the Divani and in the light of their talents desirability and perseverance Ministers in their cultural artistic and educational affairs and their role in this field brought about the development of culture and art in timurid community. The papers approach emphasizes analytic explanation based on descriptive evidence from the main sources of research and on the library methodology.

Premiership (Vezarat) was one of important pillars of political authority and bureaucratic system in medieval Iran. Although it was integrated with other parts of political hegemony like kingship and military commandership (Emarat), but according to theoretical and historical sources it seems that its legitimacy was not bounded to the legitimacy of Sultanate or Caliphate. Consequently there was an attempt to provide kind of independent legitimacy for premiership as well. Studying works of political theorists and historiographers of Viziers through a descriptive – analytical approach provides a considerable literature about the sources of this legitimacy including “sharia”, “efficiency” and “Iranian tradition of ruling”.

The Abbasid caliph, Mahdi, reigned from 158-169 AH. The Mahdi’s era is known for its extensive reforms in the Islamic world and dealing with the difficulties of Abbasid caliphs Saffah and Mansur. Mahdi departed in manner from his father, Mansour, and gave more opportunity to courtiers and other companions for political tact. In Mahdi’s era, for the first time in the Muslim world, the ministry became official and three Iranian ministers, Muawiyah ibn Yasar, Yaqub ibn Dawud, and Aba-Jafar Feyz ibn Abi Salih, got this position. The present study seeks to investigate the role the Iranian ministers played in the era of Mahdi in the caliphate’s policies, and their efforts to attain the caliphate power. The main question is that to what extent the minister's influence was effective in the caliph Mahdi’s era? The assumption is that one of the aims of the Iranians in the court of Abbasid caliphate was to dominate the policies of the caliphate and to advance the demands of Iranian people. After the short-term ministry of the Abu Salamah during the Saffah’s period and the coward ministry of Khalid Barmaki during the Mansour’s period, the Mahdi’s period should be considered as the starting point of the Iranians` influence on the Abbasid Caliphate bureaucracy.

Experience, family, talent, relationship and supporting the Safavids were the most important factors to acquire the vizierate office in the Safavid era. The role of the family was the most important one. Because most of the viziers came from high classes and the family situation affected other factors. Viziers whom were selected according to their experience and talents were chiefly capable and meritorious but a great number of the Viziers achieved the position of vizierate by relying on their family status and relationship with Emirs and courtiers while lacking enough merit. Using historical method and sociology theories, the paper aims to assess the measure of social mobility and meritocracy in the Safavid era. The findings of the paper shows while the Safavid society was flexible but was not meritocratic enough. There were many obstacles in the way of meritocracy. Half of the thirty viziers did not enjoy enough merits and only eight of them were meritorious.

The aim of this study was to investigate the mediating role of organizational intelligence in the relationship between work self-efficacy and social capital in the Ministry of Sport and Youth. The statistical population included 850 top-level, middle-level and low-level managers and experts working in the ministry of Sport and Youth. 265 subjects were randomly selected as the sample. To achieve the research goals, Scherer Public Self-Efficacy MLQ, Albrecht Organizational Intelligence and Putnam Social Capital Questionnaires were used. Validity of these questionnaires was confirmed by 15 experts and their reliability was calculated in a pilot study with 30 subjects as 0.79, 0.72 and 0.73 respectively. For data analysis, the descriptive and inferential statistics including Kolmogorov-Smirnov, Single sample t student test were used. SEM was used to determine the causal relationship between variables using AMOS and SPSS. The findings showed that work self-efficacy and organizational intelligence were not desirable while social capital was desirable in the Ministry of Sport and Youth. Also, organizational intelligence had a moderating role in the relationship between work self-efficacy and social capital and their relationship model had a good fit.

During both periods when Iran was attacked by Muslim Arabs and the Mongols,bureaucrats came to cooperate with the conquerors. Included in these were theBarmakids and the Joveini dynasties who could reach ministry under Abbasidand Ilkhanid caliphates. Bureaucracy used to be the trend in these two dynastiesand they were bureaucrats in previous in previous governments. These twodynasties could influence the Abbasid and Ilkhanid caliphates and steer themtowards Iranian culture and they could take steps to revive and restructureIranian culture. During their ministries, the Barmakids and the Joveini dynastiesconducted many development services including building mosques, schools andmansions. Also, they could reach a highly significant position in science andliterature. Not only did they write books by themselves but also many writersand scientists wrote their books under their names. Similarly, they patronizedmany poets and scientists. Although the Barmakids and Joveini dynastiesprovided many services, their power and influence produced rivals who set thestage for their fall. Barmakids and Joveini dynasties represent a specialbureaucrat group in Iranian society who left their name permanently in historyand time.

After establishing their rule, the Abbasids tried to employ the skills and experiences of the people who lived in their territory. In these circumstances, there were some non-Muslims who made a treaty with the Islamic state under the title of Ahl al- Dimma, and were able play a role in the Abbasid Caliphate by their skills. Are there any obstacles for Abbasids to employ them for the administrative affairs? How could they resolve the obstacles? The Findings of the current research, which uses a descriptive and analytic method show that although the objects of the Islamic scholars for employing Dhimmis in administrative sections was in contradiction with the caliphate practical needs, the Abbasid caliphs ignored the scholars’ opinions and tried to employ them for benefitting from their skills and taking the political scene out of the hands of the scholars.

After a period of effort for controlling mongolians behavior and domesticating the majority tribe of Iranian statesmen, the ministers of Ilkhanid era by encouragement muslim Ilkhans to creat extend reformation,opened fields of prosperity in economic and urbanism . This essay has a question that Iranian thoughts in development approach of ministers of Muslim Ilkhanid era had what position. It is believed that information about the importance and security and justice, the harmony between society relation and government, the necessity of governor’s attention to peoples livelihood and effort of improvement and development in Iranian thoughts, made him do extensive reformation in Ilkhanid organization in Muslim era. Thus, Iranian ministers in this era by creating economic and social development in the field of entrepreneurship have opened a window into the structure of society to systematically lead the Ilkhanid era.

Emirate and Ministry (vizarat) were among the significant authoritative institutions in Ilkhanid administration. The Chief Commander ( Amir ul- Umara’) as the second Ilkhanid statesman and the head of Emirate institution and the Chief Minister as the head of bureaucracy institution which was consisted of mostly Iranian ( Tajiks) were in charge. The mutual interaction or conflict between the two institutions could make some good changes in society, as well as on themselves, by the means of convergence. That was to maintain security and welfare as well as fair taxation and making religio- state ties. In Arqun time the mutual affairs between Emirate and Ministry was in turbulence. Amir Buqa, the chief commander who had already contributed to Arqun’s power, took the office of Ministry which was considered an odd custom at that time. Where the great Mongol Ilkhan handed the power to Amir Buqa, it eventually weakened the administration authority and led to the conflict with Amir Buqa. Massacre of Amir Buqa’s household made a ground for the presence of the bureaucrats within the Ministry institution. The Jewish Sa’duddoleh engaging the judiciary post in Ministry tried to retrieve the lost values while the support of the government gradually made a great divergence on Emirate and Ministry institutions. The only solution was to murder vizir and his household at the time of Arqun’s illness and Ilkhanid’s weakness.

Persian literary works with no apparent political themes have for long played an effective role in the political orientation of Iranians. In fact, a great part of Iranshahri political doctrine has found its way intothe literary works in the Islamic era. These include the four firstchapters ofNizami’sMakhzan al-Asrar(The Treasury of Mysteries). A glimpse at NizamiGanjavi’s bibliography (Radfar, 1992) and Dictionary of NizamiScholorship(Noroozi, 2012) shows that in spite of Nizami scholars’efforts, the political thoughts ofNizamiareyet to be explored.
European scholars have also showed interest in Nizami’spoetry and thoughts. In the introduction to her English translation of Haft Peykar, Julie Scott Meisamihas presented an analysis of this book (Meisami, 1995). Michael Barry’s profound and unique interpretation of Nizami’sHaft Peykar (Barry, 2006) is a valuable book published in France. It has also been translated into Persian. The subject of our study, however, has not been directly addressed by any of the above-mentioned scholars.
Russian, Azarbaijani, and Tajik scholars such as Krimsky, Berthels, Rafili, Hoseinov, Mirza Khaleghzadeh, Dadkhodayova, Mirza Torsonzadeh, A’lakhan Afsahzad have also conducted studies on Nizami. However, due to the dominantthoughts of their research, they have neglected the political aspects of Makhzan al-Asrar (VafiSani, 2015). The articles addressing the political thoughts of Nizami are the following: 1. Iranians’ method of government as reflected in Nizami’sworks (Safayee, 1974)
2. Political thoughts reflected in Haft Peykar(Matini, 1991)
3. Nizami’sbooks of wisdom (Ansari, 1992)
4. Politics and kingdom as reflected in Nizami’sthoughts (Rajaee, 1992)
5. Iranshahri political doctrine in Nizami’sEskandarNameh (Momtaz, 2005)
6. Iranshahri political doctrine in Iranian painting, a case study of BahramGoor and the shepherd who hanged his dog, from Nizami’sKhamsehon King Tahmasb’s period (KeshavarzAfshar, Tavoosi, &Zeymaran, 2010)
Research in the history and pre-Islamic Iranians’ intellectual tradition familiarizes us with a consistent model of political and strategic ideas, which is generally referred to as the Iranshahri political doctrine (Rezaee Rad, 1999). This doctrine has been survived for centuries while maintaining its capability to generate thought and to cohabit with other cultures. In other words, the existence of permanent elements in Iranian intellectual tradition before Islam had given it the privilege to be imitated and used as a superior doctrine on government by Muslim rulers (Ghaderi&RostamVandi, 2006)
AsSeljuks came to power, many Iranian thinkers realized that the best way to prevent bloodshed andviolence was to teach them how to run the country by using Iranians’ political thoughts and experience. Nizam al-Mulk was the greatest example of such thinkers and his Siyasatnameh (Book of Government) is the key book in teachingthe Iranians effective rules to Seljuk Empire and the subsequent dynasties. To show the importance of the book, it suffices to say that all the books written afterwardson the subject of politics and government were to a greater or lesser degree affected by it. Influenced by the content and method of Siyasatnameh, Nizamirecounts the attributes of a king,at the first four chapters of his Makhzan al-Asrar. Towards the end of the Seljuk period, he seemed to wish to uphold the legacy left by the great vizier.
Nizami had studied not only Shahnameh, Sanai’sHadighat al-Haghighah (The Walled Garden of Truth), Nizam al-Mulk’sSiyasatnameh, Gorgani’sVis VaRamin (Vis and Ramin), and KelilehvaDemneh, but alsohehad been influenced by Ghazali’s works. In these works, Nizami had found points about the various magnificent manifestations of man’s nature which were not known at the time. This gave him the background knowledge to use in designing his ideal model of government.
This research is based on the descriptive-analytical method using library resources. This study is an attempt to provide answers to the following questions: 1. In his first work, which is the result of seclusion, self-discipline and interior journey, and his first experience of expressing Shari’ah in verse, how does Nizami define concepts such as justice, politics, and government?
2. Through which references have Iranshahri-related concepts found their way into his mind and tongue?
To find convincing answers to these questions, the cultural heritage of the Sassanid, the Post-Islamic sources such asShahnameh, Sanai’sHadighat al-Haghighah, KelilehvaDemneh, Siyasatnameh (Siyar al-Molouk), and Ghazali’sNasihat al-mulukhavebeen examined.
The findings are summarized as it follows: 1. Nizami, as a social reformer and ethical teacher,utilized the richness of Persian and the knowledge from the above-mentioned sources,andtried to reform the government through Iranians’ political thought and action. That is why some of the components of the political doctrine of Iranshahri such as the role of minister, justice, lack of justice, and its consequences for nature, integration of religion and state, etc. have frequently been referred to in Makhzan al-Asrar’s stories,andare mostly inspired by Anushirvan’s desired tradition of kingdom.
2. In Makhzan al-Asrar, Nizami considers lack of justice as the root of all social maladies. For him, politics, in its theoretical sense, constituted a quest for justice for everyone and having faith in the good-nature of human beings.In fact, he was not pessimistic of reaching that goal. This explains his belief in the possibility of changingking’sbehavior, through advising.
3. Nizami, influenced by the Iranian culture, believed that the main duty of a king was to establish justice; thus, any king doing injustice was not to be called aking. In the story of the old woman and Sanjar, Nizami calls the king “an aggressive Hindu” (NizamiGanjavi, 2008) simply because he failed to do his duty; that is, to rule justly.
4. In the ancient Iranian intellectual tradition, the king was the source of all good and evil, whose action affected the people and the country. Kings were likened to springs of which pure or fowl water flowed forth depending on their nature. If the king was just, there would be abundance as well as much rain and rivers, and springs would be overflowed. Farmers would gather riper crops from the fields, roads would be safer, and the government would thrive (Crone, 2010). This thought seems to have affected Nizami’sworks through Shahnameh, Siyasatnameh, and Ghazali’s works as well as through the cultural atmosphere of the 12th century. Nizami has clearly expressed his understanding of this ancient political tradition in the story of Anushirvan and the ruined village.
5. Even though Nizami did not attend the kings’ courts, he performed from his own position of seclusion his duties as a counselor and vizier. Considering the function of viziership in the social and political structure of the ancient Iran, he considered himself a poet-vizier by following Bozorgmehr, the wise vizier of Anushirvan. In the story of Anushirvan and the ruined village, he describes the vizier as a man of wit and wisdom, and says that a king’s injustice will ruin the country. He also states that the survival of a kingdom, as well as peace and satisfaction of the people and the thriving of the country depends on the wisdom and impartiality of the vizier.
6. Nizami also believed in the integration of state and religion, as described in the Letter of Tansar and King Ardeshir’s Covenant, as well as in most of the works from the Islamic era such as Ferdowsi’sShahnameh (2014), Miskawayh’sTajarib al-Umam(1990),Sanai’sHadighatal-Haghighah(1980), NasrallahMunshi’sKelilehvaDemneh (1983),Nizamal-Mulk’sSiyaral-Molouk(1961), and Ghazali’sal-Iqtisad fial-Itiqad(1993). Nizami’s spiritual position brought him respect among the kings. This gave him the privilege to protest against kings in his own poetical way, reminding them of their main duty as guardians of religion and the country (NizamiGanjavi, 2008).
7. The establishment of new and just rules is one of the features of Iranshahri political doctrine. A new orderdoes not involve a dramatic change or revolutionin the modern sense of the word, but a social reform; an improvement of what is wrong or corrupt. Nizami seems to clearly show this in the story of Anushirvan and the ruined village, where Anushirvan, being deeply affected, finds that the best way to restore the society to its previous state is to rule justly.
8. Books of advice provide particularly suitable means to address maladiesof the society. A glance at Makhzan al-Asrar shows that the poet critically examinesall inhuman subjects which draw the society toward evil. He argues that the Prophet’s tradition has been deviated. In particular, he holds pleasure–seeking kings and impious clergymen accountable for this deviation (NizamiGanjavi, 2008). In the third chapter, criticizing the social circumstances, he says that humanity has vanished and good people are hidden like angles (ibid). Nizami’saims at eradicating the social maladies by reviving the ethical principles. He believes that by purifying man from worldly belongings, he can construct a society based on mortification and devotion, which is less congenial to man’s nature.

A Study 0n the rule of Darastyan Shirazi race in political, social and cultural age of Saljukhi Shortly after the advent of Islam in Iran some people of the ancient family, because of the knowledge of scribal techniques and knowing Arabic and Persian languages and also high economic situations, entered to court and appointed to high positions. Darastyan Shirazi family is one such bureaucrat family that three members of this family in the fifth and sixth centuries AD appointed t to Court positions. Abolfath_e ebne Darest Shirazi appointed to the ministration of the Khalifeh Abbasi, Alghem be amrellah. Abotaleb Ebne Drasat was the ministry of two Saljukhi kings and atabakan kings. Tajolmolk Abolghanaem the famous person of this race was the minister of Malekshah Saljukhi, but has ministration didn’t last long time, and after death of king and the clash between the claimants of kingdom, he killed. Despite the often negative views about Darastyan Shirazi race, especially Tajolmolk Abolghanaem, this article wants to reach the Comprehensive understanding from these three bureaucrat persons by descriptive document and then with regard to their life circumstances review their bureaucratic and political behavior. The findings of the present study confirms that presence in Bureaucratic positions in the fifth and sixth centuries AD , was dangerous but have significant advantages, so the ministers for keeping their position and young elite for reaching these positions was trying hard. It is obvious that due to suffocation and prejudice on that days, it was not possible to had good and constructive competition, so the formation of foci of conspiracy and Killing opponents was common in the age of Saljukhi

In a period of saljoughian habit of ministry on the ground of firmness side of diffrent power and scantyin contro work inner and exterior this habit to be rackoned arms of government country ministry in saljoughi period. one of the habits mutured islamic government taken into account and this axis mechanism minister has many power he was as to deputy president responsible all of the aspects of country office and has many responsebility. Financial respansebility judicial religion and formalite are to be reckend important ministry responsible. shiite revolution serence and serence and gradual one of the purposes in the intrim countionary with government following to find an opportunity minster place as to one of the higher and effective habits of government was purposes them in spite of dangrouses following them from 64 ministry of outset from epoch toghrol beik (445 H) until ending period thired toghrol in (56 H) of ministry inputed. 13 person was imamy shiite the first of them was tajolmolk abolghasem. the famous shiite ministry was anoshirvan ebne khaled bood writer ((naflat almasdour fi fatour al soudour، soudour alzaman alfatour)) that one of them degree in a period mohammadebne maleksha (511 H) as to temporory ministry and another time in)525 H) in a peiord of mohammadebne malekshah as to ministry and another time in period masoudenbe malekshah and all of salajeghe toghrolebne arsalan (third toghrol) all of them was shiite and the dossier full of biskness of salajeghe who starting them was abolfateh razi salar bozhgan bagher aldin ebne reza. moein aldin kashi and fakhrodin ebne Safialdin varamini ministry pertaining to the shiite was closed