جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « constitutionalism » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

This study aims to revisit various narratives of Iranshahr political thought within Islamic civilization. The focus is on political thought and its diverse manifestations during the Islamic era, particularly the medieval period. In this regard, the thought of Iranians and aspects of the historical continuity of political thought in Iran, and the Iranshahr political thought with the key phrase "Divine Glory" in Islamic political thought are discussed. The theory of "Iranian Cultural Continuity" forms the theoretical basis of this research. The main research question is: "What impacts have Seyyed Javad Tabatabai's Iranshahr theory had on Islamic period thoughts?" The probable answer is that Iranshahr thought, influenced by Islamic thoughts over historical periods, has impacted the political and social life of the Islamic period thoughts and has evolved accordingly. Iranshahr political thought in the Islamic era has been reproduced in various forms, each offering its interpretation of the concept of "Divine Sovereignty." According to the present study's findings, the five narratives of Divine Glory in Islamic civilization are: Epic, Philosophical, Advisory, Mystical, and Luminous narratives.

The dated critical insight is one of the main elements of historiography and historian which is very clear in modern Iranian historiographyAlthough there has been more or less in the historiography of ancient historians, but. The present article seeks to assess the historiography of Nazem-Al-Islam Kermani and Mehdi Malekzadeh in the constitutional event with the aforementioned insight that is using the historical method. to understand the aim of study, we should answer the following question : What effect did the critical insight of the aforementioned historians have on their historical method in reflecting the constitutional event and the later developments ? The results of this research show that the above-mentioned historians are trying to move themselves far from one-sided historiography in two extends, first: criticism of the Qajar governors and rulers due to their inefficiency in the administration of the country and second: the mass of the people as the driving engine of the changes in the society. Analyze and explain the factors of the emergence of the constitution and the developments after it.

The ratio of political jurisprudence and modern public law in the conceptual equivalence of metaphysical and physical governance is the basis and sources of constitutional and republican sovereignty. The discourse of the first theory has a theological mechanism and the opposite theory has a physiological mechanism, and their governance is based on representation. The first theory is based on divine agency through political jurists in theological theories and the opposite theory is based on consensus of free citizens in human theories. The power and governance in the first theory is qualitative and subjective and based on invisible foundations and subjectivism, and the second theory is evident with mechanical governance over quantitative and objective and visible foundations and objectivism. Each of the constitutional and republican political order has been subjected to jurisprudence in the constitutional political jurisprudence and the contemporary republican political jurisprudence. The current research is based on the method of analysis and study of a functional library and the record of the constitution and the republic with an analytical and critical view on contemporary political jurisprudence. The findings of the research also indicate that the relationship between the concepts discussed in the political and legal literature of contemporary political jurisprudence with modern public law is merely nominalist and populist and has a semantic break with its conceptual vocabulary.

Nineteen century in Iran was the birth period of "The Iranian modernity". In the process of modernizing of Iranian society, two groups played the main role, the intellectuals outside the circle of power and the bureaucrats inside the government. Mirza Yousef Khan Mostashar Al-Dowleh (1823-1895AD) was one of the most important modernists of that era, whose treatise "One word" is one of the best texts written in the pre-constitutional era about the importance of paying attention to the constitutionalism of modernism in Iran. The theoretical framework of the article is based on two main paradigms of constitutionalism (the interpretation of the rule of law based on natural rights and the interpretation of the rule of law based on state-oriented rights) and the research method is the "analytical-historical" method. From the analysis and interpretation of the content of Mirza Mostashar's treatise in this article, it was concluded that the fundamental intellectual concern of Mirza Yousef Khan Mostashar Al-Dowleh and his main goal of writing his treatise is the establishment of a modern legal institution (establishing the rule of law) based on natural rights inspired by the declaration of human rights. He was in Iran, but at the same time, he tried to use the capabilities of the traditional legal system of Iran (jurisprudence) in the framework of the modern epistemological understanding of law to build a modern legal system.

The constitutional revolution originally started in Tabriz and quickly spread to other parts of Iran and caused other ethnic groups and ethnicities of Iran to participate in its formation and victory. Armenians were among the ethnic groups who had contributions in Iran's constitutionalism. In this revolution, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun Party) led by Yeprem Khan stepped in and paved the way for its victory. This research, which was carried out in a descriptive-analytical method and based on library sources and documents, seeks to recognize the role of Armenians and Armenian parties in Iran's constitutionalism. The main question of the current research is what role did the Dashnaktsutyun Party and Armenians play in the process of constitutionalism? Here, the hypothesis is that the Dashnaktsutyun Party and Caucasian Armenians, despite being non-Iranians, spared no effort to bring about the revolution in order to establish freedom and also help their fellow Armenians in Iran, because they believed that Constitutionalism in Iran is for the benefit of all the nations of the region. Dashnaktsutyun introduced the Iranian revolution to Europe through communication with other European libertarian parties. In addition to transferring factional and political experiences, they were able to fulfill the financial resources of parties in Iran through grants and assistance to provide military weapons.

The status of women in the Qajar period was such that they were deprived of the smallest social, economic, cultural and political rights and were under severe restrictions caused by the patriarchal society. One of the most important reasons that put women in that situation was illiteracy, lack of awareness and lack of communication with society. For this reason, one of the first measures taken by modern women was the construction of girls' schools and efforts to educate girls and women. Although the establishment of girls' schools in that environment was met with protest and reaction from the traditional society, but gradually, especially after the constitutional revolution, it spread and had beneficial effects on the status of women. The aim of the current research is to investigate the results and consequences of the establishment and gradual expansion of educational institutions on the status of women at this stage. Therefore, the question is, what effect did educational institutions have on the status of women in the Qajar period? The hypothesis is that educational institutions, including girls' schools, have caused literacy and, as a result, the growth of awareness, change of attitude and efforts to play a greater role for women in society. The findings of the research show that the submissive and undemanding women of the Qajar period, upon entering the Pahlavi period, turned into demanding women who raised demands such as the right to enter society and employment. The present research method is descriptive-analytical and the data were collected in a library manner.

This research aims to explore Ayatollah Naini's methodology in indigenizing modern political concepts. In this regard, the prioritization of the meaning of modern constitutional government over traditional legitimate government by Ayatollah Naini is under consideration. In fact, Ayatollah Naini considers what he brings from modern political concepts as something new and modern, while its content exists in Islamic tradition. The ambiguity and lack of clarity in these modern products and their relation to the content of Islamic tradition, along with the methodology of Ayatollah, are the main issues of this research. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results show that, on the one hand, Ayatollah Naini's methodology in indigenizing is based on arguing the non-variation of modern concepts with Islam, emphasizing the priority of modern meanings over traditional concepts. On the other hand, this indicates that the confrontation of religious scholars with modern political concepts has taken place only within the framework of Ijtihad and from the perspective of Sharia.

Among the many concepts of Iranian history and contemporary thought, the concept of "republic" is one of the most problematic. Before the sanction movement, neither the word "republic" was a familiar word, nor was its concept considered clear and possible, but over time, this word was used and the ground for the objective realization of its concept was also provided so that at the beginning of the Islamic Revolution, it was focused on by Imam Khomeini (r) as the only clear concept that shows the role of the people in determining their destiny. The research question is the how of course of the concept of republic and its objective realization in the contemporary history of Iran. The findings of this research show that the concept of republic in contemporary Iran became believable and possible after the great historical experiences that social movements and the Islamic awakening movement made. These experiences first realized the key concept of "Muslim Public" and this concept provided the basis for the objective realization of the concept of "Republic" and "Islamic Republic".

yatollah Aghanajafi, in addition to his outstanding scientific and moral dimensions, can be safely considered as a knowledgeable thinker and a dedicated mujahid in the scene of developments and political issues in Iran and Iraq. Emphasizing on his political thoughts and anti-colonial and anti-authoritarian positions, this article tries to examine the various aspects of his reasoning and performance in facing the conditions of the country's tyranny and colonization. In line with such a goal, the author has tried to organize and present his desired topics in three speeches as follows:The first speech: the situation of Iran in the years parallel to Aghanajafi's lifeThe second speech: Ayatollah Aghanajafi's thought and anti-colonial positionsThe third speech: Aghanajafi's support for constitutionalism and hostility to internal tyrannyAgha Najafi's very close association and cooperation with prominent leaders of constitutionalism in Iraq such as Ayatollah Akhund Khorasani and Sheikh Abdullah Mazandarani and his enthusiastic and courageous presence in the program of movement of Najaf scholars to Iran to repel the tyranny of Muhammad Ali Shah as well as Jihad against Russia's interference in Iran. It is one of the political struggles and practical reactions of the deceased against tyranny and colonialism in Iran.Key words: Aghanajafi, constitutionalism, tyranny, borrowing

In the international law system, a treaty can serve as a source of conventional rules of international law, unlike a contract in domestic law. The pivotal question that arises is: can the rules embedded in law-making treaties, designed to safeguard values or common interests, be deemed as binding convention rules for all members of the international community? This article explores this aspect of law-making treaties in the light of the constitutionalism approach in international law. In this approach, the traditional and horizontal paradigm, stemming from the equality of states, undergoes a transformation into a vertical paradigm grounded in the Constitution. Consequently, the underlying assumption posits that upon the conclusion of a law-making treaty, the legal order that it establishes, begins its autonomous existence.

This article shows why and how the Velayat al-Faqih theory, despite the Iranian and Islamic theoretical challenges, was able to become a stable and efficient theory for the formation of the Islamic Republic, by integrating two theological and philosophical approaches in the two directions of “elitism” and “contractualism”. Based on Skinner’s methodology, the current research, shows that the formation of the Islamic Republic and its survival is not accidental, but based on a series of theoretical discussions and wide-ranging practical and revolutionary efforts. Iranian idealism based on Farabi's thought and civil idealism, and contemporary political movements, as well as the theory of Sheikh al-Islam Naini, and finally the theory of religious authority in Imam Khomeini's thought, are some of document and proofs presented here, in this realm. Finally the research shows that in Islamic Republic of Iran, the negotiation among the two sides of theories, and policy making, is inevitably determined in the shadow of shia's 12th Imam. However the civil society has the prominent role in the political.

Political imagination is political identification and constitutionalism can be considered as the beginning of scientific imagination in Iranian politics. Imagination works by creating doubt, which is a form of political and social education, and of course, it is accompanied by criticism and leads to creativity. The imagination of constitutionalism was also to create doubt. Constitutionalism had the nature of humanities and it was for the society to be governed by humanities. Management with humanities in constitutionalism can be called the line of national resistance, which was especially meaningful against British colonial interventions. Even though constitutionalism preceded the democratic foundations in Iran's political history, it led to failure, and of course it provided the basis for the next movements of the Iranian nation. The victory of the Iranian Islamic Revolution caused a deeper view of constitutionalism to be formed. But the Islamic revolution cannot be considered as another experience of constitutionalism.

Newspapers emerged as a novel phenomenon in Iran during the Qajar Era following the exposure of Iranian intellectuals to European societal developments. Over time, newspaper publication gained popularity across various regions in Iran. The Constitutional Movement marked a pivotal moment in Iranian journalism with an increase in newspaper publication in several cities following the proclamation of the constitutional decree in 1324 AH. These newspapers underwent significant changes in terms of content. One aspect worth exploring constitutional era newspapers in Qajar is the presence of "advertisements" often referred to as "E'lān". These advertisements provided valuable insights into the social and economic conditions of Iranian cities, shedding light on the neglected aspects of social and economic history that were not found in narrative sources. This study focused on evaluating advertisements in "Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper", one of the prominent newspapers of the constitutional era. The study aimed to answer the fundamental question: What social and economic information did the advertisements in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper offered about the life in Tabriz during the constitutional era? In other words, what advertising-related data did Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper contain and how significant were these data in understanding urban life in Tabriz at that time? The research utilized a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. Qualitative research methods were employed in the collection and description of reports, while quantitative statistical methods were utilized for data analysis. Thus, this research adopted a descriptive-analytical approach to studying advertisement. By evaluating and summarizing the available data, the study concluded that the advertisements in Anjuman-e Tabriz Newspaper not only shed light on the neglected social and economic aspects of Tabriz society during that time, but also reflected the emerging nationalist tendencies and promoted social action, such as supporting domestic goods and imposing embargoes on foreign goods.

Terrorism or assassination with the aim of physically eliminating opponents and in order to achieve political, economic and religious goals has a long history in the history of Iran. This issue became more intense during the Qajar period and especially from the Naseri period. During this period, the autocracy of the kings and the mismanagement of the political elites increased, and for the first time the ideas of libertarianism became the motivation for the political assassination of Naser al-Din Shah. With the beginning of the constitutional movement, the conflict between the opposing groups (socialists and moderates and parliamentarians and royal tyranny) increased and reached its peak during the period of Mohammad Alishah. This issue finally became a factor in the closure of the parliament by Mohammad Alishah. After the conquest of Tehran, party conflicts and conflicts led to mutual assassinations, and the formation of organized assassinations and the use of bombs were among the characteristics of this category of assassinations. The negative consequences of these terror attacks can be seen as the creation of an atmosphere of terror and the strengthening of resilience and the instilling of a spirit of violence among the strata of society. This research, with the descriptive-analytical method and with the benefit of library and documentary sources, seeks to identify the effective factors on organized terrors in the Qajar period. The findings of the research indicate that the existence of an autocratic system in the Qajar society and the conflict between the nation and the state was one of the most important political roots of terror in this era. On the other hand, the differences in the society, including the conflict between the parties, as well as the economic crises and the interference of foreign forces, especially Russia and England, in the country's economic structure were other factors of the formation of terror during the Qajar era.

In the social atmosphere of the constitutional period (the end of the Qajar era), the minbars of the clergymen had an important and prestigious position as a factor of social cohesion. In this research, by using “Bourdieu Theory”, the position of the preaching and speech has been analyzed and it has been studied by explaining concepts such as “field”, “capital”, “habits” and “action”. Using Bourdieu's field theory, we considered that “religious pulpit” had what characteristics, achievements and feedbacks in the constitutional period. Based on Bourdieu's theory, it is assumed that the pulpit has a wide field, with special habits of the religious beliefs of the people, in mobilizing the masses, demanding constitutionalism and the establishment of the parliament. The findings of this historical research show that during this period, the “minbar field” relatively enjoyed the triple levers of the field (independence, power and conflict over capital) and had an effective presence in most of the constitutional events, of course, it has also been damaged by the confrontation of some fields.

Undoubtedly, the constitutional revolution and the libertarian movements of that period are one of the most turbulent periods and at the same time one of the blind spots of our contemporary history, especially the successive failures of the Azerbaijani Turks in the constitutional movement, street movements, and industrialization, followed by the intervention of the Russian and British colonial powers, the fall of the Qajar Turkic government as well as the establishment of the Shoubiye Pahlavi government raised this question in the mind of every Turkish person in Iran and Azerbaijan: what were the causes of this heavy loss and where did the Turks falter?It can be said with certainty that the tension caused by this in the years of (1978-1979) broke the mentality of the Turks of Azerbaijan, and their widespread and lightning-fast participation played a decisive role in the quick victory of the Islamic Revolution And did not give a chance for Shoubiye and their colonial supporters to wander the revolution in the twisting paths of politics and diplomacy. The historical movement of the Turks of Azerbaijan and Iran was actually a strong reaction based on the national and historical character, which was against the atrocities and genocides inflicted on the Turkish nation by Shoubiye and with the direct support and intervention of the Russian and British states from 1917 -1919. The events of 1945, which took place during the Pahlavi period, at the same time, were a sign of the initial awakening of the dormant national consciousness and vision of the Turkish nation of Azerbaijan in order to organically cut off the cultural, political and military relationship between Shoubiye and the colonialists, a relationship that despite the wishes of the Aryanists, it has not been possible to restore the relationship after half a century, mainly due to the consideration of the national-Islamic forces of Azerbaijan.. This article takes a look at the opinions of different groups for and against the constitutional movement and similar events during the Pahlavi era and tries to provide a new evaluation in the analysis of these events and their causes.

Mirza Ali Thagha-ul-Islam of Tabriz is one of the religious constitutionalist thinkers and fighters of Tabriz, who was in the ranks of the constitutional Mujahideen and was considered one of the opponents of tyranny and colonialism. In Islamic countries, including Iran, the Qajar era considered tyranny to be the cause of backwardness and the establishment of a constitutional system could prevent it. Misharaliyeh played an important role in the formation of constitutionalism in Tabriz and tried to establish unity among the scholars of Tabriz, resolve differences and coordinate with the constitution. The findings and results of this research show that Masharaliyeh believes it is possible to preserve the independence of Iran and Islam by fighting tyranny and establishing the constitution. He believes that the preservation of Iran's independence and constitutional system, the unity of Islam, the independence of religion and the Jafari method are priorities for the country. Masharalieh was one of the representatives of the Mujahideen and Tabriz Association who negotiated with Ain al-Dawlah, which played an important role in providing some of the needs of the people of Tabriz during the 11-month siege of that city, and wrote several letters to Mohammad Ali Shah explaining the negative consequences of the presence of the Russians. The Russian consul made Thaqa-ul-Islam's release conditional on his signing a document blaming the mujahideen for the war. They were hanged and martyred.

The literature of the Qajar era underwent fundamental changes in the structure of Iran's political, social and cultural spheres due to the constitutionalism movement. This modernity left a tremendous impact on the poetry and prose of this period. One of the most important features of the poetry of the constitutional era is the difference and type of vision of the poets towards the existing realities, which led to the creation of new themes. One of the most important themes in Persian poetry of the constitutional era is "freedom, homeland and justice". In this research, the author aims to investigate the literary arrays in the political poems of Adib al-Mamalek Farahani, using descriptive-analytical method and library tools. Adib al-Mamalek is one of the poets of the constitutional era and the awakening period, and most of his poems are about political and social themes. The results of the research show that Adib has used the literary arts in his poems to address the themes of homeland, freedom and justice, and because he was a religious person, in addition to paying attention to the hints related to Iran before Islam, he also paid attention to Iran during the Islamic period. Paying attention and regarding the issue of love for the country, his patriotism was not accompanied by hatred of Arabs. Recommendations for rule of law, criticism of ignorance and neglect, criticism of the inappropriate performance of the parliament, criticism of the judiciary and attention to justice are considered other poetic themes of Adib.

In Iran, the beginning of feminist movements happened during the Qajar period. On the margins of the constitutional revolution, the women's feminist movement became active. Arab neighboring countries also started a movement by female poets who felt inferior and tried to make their peers aware of the minimum citizenship rights through their writings. Affinities can be observed between the social themes of the poems of Alam Taj Qaim Maqami and Ghada Al-Saman with themes such as defending women's rights, revitalizing women's identity in Islamic society, seeking social justice. This article tries to answer the question whether the feminist movement in Persian and Arabic literature took place at the same time or not? The author's hypothesis is based on the fact that the poems of these two poets are a clear expression of the sufferings and oppression of women in Persian and Arabic literature. The author's hypothesis is based on the fact that the poems of these two poets are a clear expression of the sufferings and oppression of women in Persian and Arabic literature. It is Arabic.