جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "symbolic power" در نشریات گروه "علوم انسانی"

One of the features of the war was Imam Khomeini's amazing performance in the field of political and military struggle and the fighters accompanying him. The purpose of the research is to examine the special role of Imam Khomeini in the management of the Iran-Iraq war. So, the fundamental question of the research is how Imam Khomeini influenced the Iranian fighters and on what components was his leadership based in the war? In order to answer this question, the research hypothesis based on Imam Khomeini's performance based on symbolic power on the battlefield has been considered.Research

The research methodology is qualitative and the present study has been studied based on the historical method.

Findings show that Imam Khomeini, relying on symbolic language and power and using the symbols of Shiite Islam during the eight years of warwith the Iraq regime, mobilized the people and maintained security for Iran.

Imam Khomeini, with special language and personality characteristics, using Shia symbols such as martyrdom, Imam Hussein and Velayat, made the political and social field of war symbolic and extraterrestrial, and the people supported him through the symbolic power of the Imam. As a result, the battlefield became one of the most symbolic historical periods of the in Iran.

Statistics of social laziness and its indicators and low level of upward social mobility and its growing trend of risk factors are important issues in today's Iranian society. The purpose of this study is to study and identify the factors of intergenerational social mobility as a social problem among citizens over 25 years of age in Tehran. Social power, political power, cultural power, economic power and symbolic power have been extracted from various theories and have been measured as factors affecting social mobility. Intergenerational social mobility has been operated as a dependent variable with the difference between the first job and the current job of the respondents, with the first job and the last job of their fathers. The main research method was survey, the data collection tool was a questionnaire, the sample size was 1054 people and the multi-stage cluster sampling method. The results show that only 30% of the people of Tehran have had an upward generation of social mobility, with an average of 20 ranging from zero to 100. Social power is high, symbolic power is moderate, political power and economic power are very low, and cultural power of the family is low. Economic power and political power were significantly correlated with intergenerational social mobility. Multivariate regression showed that variables such as place of birth, marital status and family network had a direct effect on intergenerational social mobility R2= 0.042 shows that the causal relationship between intergenerational mobility and contextual variables is very weak and intergenerational mobility does not follow the factors within the theoretical model of the research. Research shows that many factors considered by social theorists have no effect on the intergenerational social mobility of Tehran citizens in this period and the conditions of intergenerational social mobility in Tehran society follow other models and factors that require more extensive research.

The Central Asian region is one of the areas that, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, has been competing and influenced by regional powers, especially Turkey. Over the past two decades, Turkey has begun a massive effort to strengthen its Central Asian region through its cultural, social and economic ties. Accordingly, this article, considering the role of economic, social, cultural and symbolic capital in consolidating power, focuses on the use of symbols by Turkish political elites in expanding foreign relations with Central Asia. The question for the authors of this article is how have Turkey's political elites managed to consolidate their symbolic power over the Central Asian region? To answer this question, we used Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist's theory of symbolic language and power, and suggested the theoretical basis of the paper on this basis. The hypothesis of the article is that the political elites of Turkey used their cultural, economic, social and symbolic capital to increase their influence in Central Asia. Therefore, the recognition of symbolic power and its application in Turkish foreign policy since 2002 in Central Asia is the main objective of this paper. The research findings show that Turkey is seeking to expand its influence in the Central Asian region with its economic, social, cultural and symbolic capital. In this paper, a qualitative research method has been used and the method of data collection has been done by documentary method.

Taliban is subject of a current which happened in political and social geopolitics of Afghanistan in the last decade of the twentieth century, and their astonishing the aggressive, dogmatic, and dogmatic attitudes staggered the world. Taliban was apparently destroyed by US military intervention after it came to power in Afghanistan, but recently this current has returned to the political arena of Afghanistan and now it has again restored part of Afghanistan's territory. The research question is about why and how to reproduce the Taliban's power. Undoubtedly, this return will be accompanied with a wide range of negative regional and international consequences, which will doubled the necessity of doing the research. According to the hypothesis, the reproduction of the Taliban's power is influenced by both internal and external factors which led to the relationship between them and habit formation. The methodology of this research is of a qualitative and library type and Bourdieu's conceptual construction theory is used as a theoretical framework. Findings of the research also indicate that many Pashtun peoples' habituals, as the Taliban's intellectual and practical waterspire, are reproducing themselves, and since issues such as monopoly of political rule in the Pashtun folk, according to relationships, have become the commonplace of these people, therefore Reproduction of political structure and power is a reality.

We need Sociology Theories, For that Understand of Sociology and Politic Problems. French Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu's theory Practice and Symbolic Power are our best resource; for Understanding Social and Political Fields. This Article Reviews the Language and Symbolic Power; indicating its Function in social and Political Fields.