جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "دوره پهلوی دوم" در نشریات گروه "تاریخ"

Khark Island hosted exiles from the Tudeh Party of Iran during the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. It was the most cohesive political organization in the country. Most of these exiles had never lived on an island in the Persian Gulf. Thus, their life on the island faced challenges. This research seeks to measure the social life of Tudeh Party exiles within an island environment between 1327 and 1337 A.H. To explain. This article is a descriptive-analytical method based on library resources, archival documents, publications, and data based on oral history.The results of this study show that the life of the exiles affiliated with the Tudeh Party on Khark Island at that time was a mixture of all the geographical deprivations of the island and the disciplinary and security restrictions of deportation. But they were able to overcome their problems by taking advantage of the diversity of their professional skills, staffing, and division of responsibilities - based on their ideology - and interacting with the small Kharkiv indigenous community. Their religion was able to alleviate some of the living problems in an island exile and make the island's environment more conducive to survival. Fear, however, was the most pervasive component of this social group's life in an island exile.

According to the policies of the Pahlavi court, women played an effective role in the social, political, cultural and economic fields. Ashraf Pahlavi was one of the influencers of the court who played an effective role in some economic and social activities of this era. The main questions of the current research are what were the motivations and role of Ashraf Pahlavi in the economic and social activities of the second Pahlavi period? The current research is based on the fact that Ashraf Pahlavi, due to the forced isolation of his childhood and the extroversion of her adulthood, had strong motivations to achieve economic, political and social goals, and in order to show her power and gain social image, she tried to gain material benefits through these activities. The present article was compiled with the method of historical research and descriptive-analytical approach, based on the use of library resources and archival documents available in the National Library of Iran and Islamic Revolution Document Center. The result of this research confirms Ashraf's efforts in the output of her ambitious motives in compensating for the shortcomings of his childhood.

The role of villagers in political activities is one of the most discussed subjects before and after the revolution. There are controversies over the role played by them. Some studies show the significant and noteworthy presence of villagers, whereas some others speak of their inactivity and conservativeness. However, the third group considers a role just for rural emigrants. The aim of this study is to identify the affairs of urban and rural discourses considering political participation of villagers and rural emigrants before 1357/1979 Revolution. In order to study the villagers’ point of view, stories have been chosen as the source of this research. The main issue of this study is how the political participation of villagers and rural emigrants is represented in the storiesof the second Pahlavi eraandhow different rural and urbanite authorsare in their representations. It is hypothesized that the works of urban authors can be classified into three groups, such as the above-mentioned studies. Nonetheless, based on the viewpoint of authors with rural background, most of the villagers and rural emigrants did not pay attention to political affairs and the reason was not their conservativeness. Analyzing34 related stories, this article tries to explicate the viewpoint of rural authors in linkage to villagers as well as the rural emigrants for the first time.

The primary problem that guided this research was explaining the question of why internal and external political developments after August 1941, which were coincident with the opening of the thirteenth Parliament, did not lead to a fundamental change followed by an increasing role of the National Consultative Assembly in different fields. In the analysis of the problem, it is assumed that the development of the structure of the modern absolutist state, along with the aggravation of social fragmentation and the continuation of the traditional and patriarchal political culture as major obstacles to political development, had left the Parliament in an unstable and subservient position in the subsequent years, so that in the historical period of the 1950s, despite the internal critical situation caused by the weakening of the power of Shah as the top of the pyramid, strengthening of the political and military bureaucracy, and the foreign rule of the Allied Forces, the National Consultative Assembly lost its ability to monitor the affairs and make its ideal legislation. Consequently, despite the weakness of the monarchy and the young Shah’s lack of command over the affairs of the country, and with the struggle between the internal power groups and the weakening of territorial independence, we witnessed another interregnum in the legislative arena, and at this time, Domestic and foreign issues had a heavy shadow on the nature and functioning of the democratic institution of the National Consultative Assembly. Thus, achieving the ideals of Constitutionalism was given second priority, and attention and efforts remained focused on gaining or maintaining the democratic and political aspects of Constitutionalism, leading to a disregard for other constitutional organs. In this way, one of the most important aspects for the crystallization of Constitutionalism, that is, the development of the political culture in the new society based on participatory culture was postponed. Moreover, the sequence of events after the Constitutional Revolution was such that the efforts to “preserve the Constitution and the institution of legislative assembly” replaced any attempts to “develop the Constitution” and institutionalize its goals. Indeed, this is the key to the interpretation of all the events after the Constitution. By referring to historical sources and documents and studying the structure and function of the Parliaments in the 1950s, which encompasses the social and political life of thirteenth to sixteenth Parliaments, we can analyze the situation where, despite Reza Shah's departure from the political scene of the country and the subsequent political openness and in spite of the beginning of a new round of decentralization in the political and social structure of power, this temporary change did not mean progress in the path of development nor the dominance of new political-social institutions, such as the Parliament, parties, and social organizations, over the system of political power. The continuation of the structure and nature of the traditional political system and the rise of the political elite from the traditional sources of power, the most important of which was the traditional political culture, led to the reproduction of the absolutist domination in the Constitutional era, which was evident in the form of the confrontation between the structure and action of the Parliaments in the 1950s and the parallel centers of power.