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The emirs of Al-Muzaffar (713-795 AH) used their religious ideology to gain political legitimacy, and get public popularity. The consolidation of religious ideology was achieved through interaction with religious scholars. During the reign of Al Muzaffar,  the religious spirit overshadowed political and social issues, and rulers and religious scholars had a very close relationship. Religious thinkers with strong social role also gained considerable political power with the support of the government. This research attempts to show the important position of the religious scholars in the government of Al-Muzaffar and demonstrates how this position was created. This study which uses a descriptive-analytical method indicates that the religious scholars of this period in addition to educational, cultural and Judicial positions were also had a political role, such as interceding for rival factions in the countless wars of the Fitrat era, issuing takfir orders against opposition groups, and supporting some of the decisions of the Muzaffar rulers. In parallel with the important role of the ulema, the sultans, princes, ministers and women were also active and had a prominent role in areas like the construction of schools, mosques, libraries and allocation of endowments. The research concludes that these affairs and interactions between the rulers and the ulama helped the rulers to gain great political legitimacy.

The  Fali family Rouasa are considered as powerful social groups in judicial affairs and office in southern iran,especially in the Hormuz domain, from the seventh to 11th century. such an increasing presence of human elements in the administrative and govermental affairs, the relational situation of the Fal region after the gradual fall of Siraf from the third century, and also the political structure of Hormuz king, which provided the field of presence and activity of different kinds of human forces in its domain. in this period,  the empowerment of the Fali family in the political apparatus and the govermental, which is considered as one of the most important dynasties along with the rest of the family, and the sources of finance and finance are Hormuz. hence, the relationship between Fali as one of the govermental families in the king realm is Hormuz with the establishment of the monarchy and other clans and social groups in the persian gulf. examining the historical data and documents and analyzing historical data shows that the Fali family was an important source of wealth and power assurance in the political system of Hormuz king. the findings show that competition and conflict conflicts with other social groups on political issues and governmental as well as the efforts of the Portuguese military forces to monopolize the revenues from the Persian Gulf maritime economy combined with the import of a rival and opponent group resulted in weakening the power of the Fali ministry and the monarchy in Hormuz.

The institution of the “vizierate” was the center of Iran's bureaucratic order throughout history. The “vizier” was at the head of the system with various titles, such as the grand chancellor, the chancellor, etc., were administering the country with heads of the bureaux assistance. Some efforts were made to renovate the Iran’s bureaucratic system from the time of Nasser al-Din Shah. These efforts were two-fold: the creation of multiple ministries and the modification of the position of the Chancellor. This was simply not possible as a change in the institution of the “vizierate”. Because the institutions resisted the change. By the end of the reign of Mozaffar al-Din Shah, numerous ministerial titles were created, while the focus of affairs remained on the chancellery, without the "multiple ministries" being transformed. The blow of the Constitutional Revolution provided the force needed to make a sudden change in the “vizierate” structure. This realization came about through a new meaning consolidation of the concept of “Vizier”. This semantic consolidation was realized through the concept of "responsible minister." The concept of "responsible minister" in the bureaucratic and political contexts of Iran, had roots in the Nasseri and Mozaffari era reformists. Following the victory of the constitution, the realization of the constitutional government was considered as the "responsibility" of the ministers. On the other hand, the turbulences of the first months after the victory of the Constitutional Revolution transformed the form of the executive system and the concept of ministry into a central issue for political activists. The unification of these two factors provided the basis for a change in the institution of the “vizierate”, the removal of numerous pre-constitutional ministerial titles, and the creation of new ministries as a new institution.

Abstract The institution of the ministry, considered as the most premier institution and the head of the monarchy and caliphate bureaucratic system, played an important role in the relationship between the Iraqi Seljuk monarchy and the Abbasid caliphate. These relationships, which lasted for nearly 80years (511 to 590 AH), were divided into three distinct historical periods in terms of their ministerial role and the extent to which the ministers succeeded in empowering monarchy or caliphate. Although some well-known ministers such as ab-ol ghasem Dargozini in the first period and Kamal-ol-din mohammad Khazen in the second period, played an important role in this realationship, they didn’t succeed as much as Awnad-Din ibn Hubayra did in the third period. The purpose of this article is to examine the historical and political conditions of the Iraqi Seljuk government and the Abbasid caliphate system in a descriptive-analytical manner, while analyzing the role of the ministry in the structure of their government, to answer the question why the ingenious ministers of the first and Second period of these relations did not succeed in establishing governmental authority. The results of the present study showed that although the role of ministers in any government structure has been high or low according to their merits and abilities, but without other factors of power, such as monarchy or powerful caliphate and an organized state organization, no minister, even the most skillful of them did not succeed.

The presence of Kermanian in the Timurd rule has increased their role in the the formation of the rule of sultan Abu Saeid Timo rey(855-873 AD) and sultan Hussein Bitarura(875-911AD). Suitable grounds and political and cultural motives of the Kermani ministers in Heart brought them a good place.But this research while investigating the position of the Ministry seeks to answer the question: “What areas led to the growth of Kermani ministers in the Timurid court?” And hat role have they played in the structure of the Timurid bureaucracy? The research findings indicate that the kermani ministers through their fathers were familiar with the affairs of the Divani and in the light of their talents desirability and perseverance Ministers in their cultural artistic and educational affairs and their role in this field brought about the development of culture and art in timurid community. The papers approach emphasizes analytic explanation based on descriptive evidence from the main sources of research and on the library methodology.

Premiership (Vezarat) was one of important pillars of political authority and bureaucratic system in medieval Iran. Although it was integrated with other parts of political hegemony like kingship and military commandership (Emarat), but according to theoretical and historical sources it seems that its legitimacy was not bounded to the legitimacy of Sultanate or Caliphate. Consequently there was an attempt to provide kind of independent legitimacy for premiership as well. Studying works of political theorists and historiographers of Viziers through a descriptive – analytical approach provides a considerable literature about the sources of this legitimacy including “sharia”, “efficiency” and “Iranian tradition of ruling”.

The Abbasid caliph, Mahdi, reigned from 158-169 AH. The Mahdi’s era is known for its extensive reforms in the Islamic world and dealing with the difficulties of Abbasid caliphs Saffah and Mansur. Mahdi departed in manner from his father, Mansour, and gave more opportunity to courtiers and other companions for political tact. In Mahdi’s era, for the first time in the Muslim world, the ministry became official and three Iranian ministers, Muawiyah ibn Yasar, Yaqub ibn Dawud, and Aba-Jafar Feyz ibn Abi Salih, got this position. The present study seeks to investigate the role the Iranian ministers played in the era of Mahdi in the caliphate’s policies, and their efforts to attain the caliphate power. The main question is that to what extent the minister's influence was effective in the caliph Mahdi’s era? The assumption is that one of the aims of the Iranians in the court of Abbasid caliphate was to dominate the policies of the caliphate and to advance the demands of Iranian people. After the short-term ministry of the Abu Salamah during the Saffah’s period and the coward ministry of Khalid Barmaki during the Mansour’s period, the Mahdi’s period should be considered as the starting point of the Iranians` influence on the Abbasid Caliphate bureaucracy.

Experience, family, talent, relationship and supporting the Safavids were the most important factors to acquire the vizierate office in the Safavid era. The role of the family was the most important one. Because most of the viziers came from high classes and the family situation affected other factors. Viziers whom were selected according to their experience and talents were chiefly capable and meritorious but a great number of the Viziers achieved the position of vizierate by relying on their family status and relationship with Emirs and courtiers while lacking enough merit. Using historical method and sociology theories, the paper aims to assess the measure of social mobility and meritocracy in the Safavid era. The findings of the paper shows while the Safavid society was flexible but was not meritocratic enough. There were many obstacles in the way of meritocracy. Half of the thirty viziers did not enjoy enough merits and only eight of them were meritorious.

During both periods when Iran was attacked by Muslim Arabs and the Mongols,bureaucrats came to cooperate with the conquerors. Included in these were theBarmakids and the Joveini dynasties who could reach ministry under Abbasidand Ilkhanid caliphates. Bureaucracy used to be the trend in these two dynastiesand they were bureaucrats in previous in previous governments. These twodynasties could influence the Abbasid and Ilkhanid caliphates and steer themtowards Iranian culture and they could take steps to revive and restructureIranian culture. During their ministries, the Barmakids and the Joveini dynastiesconducted many development services including building mosques, schools andmansions. Also, they could reach a highly significant position in science andliterature. Not only did they write books by themselves but also many writersand scientists wrote their books under their names. Similarly, they patronizedmany poets and scientists. Although the Barmakids and Joveini dynastiesprovided many services, their power and influence produced rivals who set thestage for their fall. Barmakids and Joveini dynasties represent a specialbureaucrat group in Iranian society who left their name permanently in historyand time.

After establishing their rule, the Abbasids tried to employ the skills and experiences of the people who lived in their territory. In these circumstances, there were some non-Muslims who made a treaty with the Islamic state under the title of Ahl al- Dimma, and were able play a role in the Abbasid Caliphate by their skills. Are there any obstacles for Abbasids to employ them for the administrative affairs? How could they resolve the obstacles? The Findings of the current research, which uses a descriptive and analytic method show that although the objects of the Islamic scholars for employing Dhimmis in administrative sections was in contradiction with the caliphate practical needs, the Abbasid caliphs ignored the scholars’ opinions and tried to employ them for benefitting from their skills and taking the political scene out of the hands of the scholars.

Emirate and Ministry (vizarat) were among the significant authoritative institutions in Ilkhanid administration. The Chief Commander ( Amir ul- Umara’) as the second Ilkhanid statesman and the head of Emirate institution and the Chief Minister as the head of bureaucracy institution which was consisted of mostly Iranian ( Tajiks) were in charge. The mutual interaction or conflict between the two institutions could make some good changes in society, as well as on themselves, by the means of convergence. That was to maintain security and welfare as well as fair taxation and making religio- state ties. In Arqun time the mutual affairs between Emirate and Ministry was in turbulence. Amir Buqa, the chief commander who had already contributed to Arqun’s power, took the office of Ministry which was considered an odd custom at that time. Where the great Mongol Ilkhan handed the power to Amir Buqa, it eventually weakened the administration authority and led to the conflict with Amir Buqa. Massacre of Amir Buqa’s household made a ground for the presence of the bureaucrats within the Ministry institution. The Jewish Sa’duddoleh engaging the judiciary post in Ministry tried to retrieve the lost values while the support of the government gradually made a great divergence on Emirate and Ministry institutions. The only solution was to murder vizir and his household at the time of Arqun’s illness and Ilkhanid’s weakness.

A Study 0n the rule of Darastyan Shirazi race in political, social and cultural age of Saljukhi Shortly after the advent of Islam in Iran some people of the ancient family, because of the knowledge of scribal techniques and knowing Arabic and Persian languages and also high economic situations, entered to court and appointed to high positions. Darastyan Shirazi family is one such bureaucrat family that three members of this family in the fifth and sixth centuries AD appointed t to Court positions. Abolfath_e ebne Darest Shirazi appointed to the ministration of the Khalifeh Abbasi, Alghem be amrellah. Abotaleb Ebne Drasat was the ministry of two Saljukhi kings and atabakan kings. Tajolmolk Abolghanaem the famous person of this race was the minister of Malekshah Saljukhi, but has ministration didn’t last long time, and after death of king and the clash between the claimants of kingdom, he killed. Despite the often negative views about Darastyan Shirazi race, especially Tajolmolk Abolghanaem, this article wants to reach the Comprehensive understanding from these three bureaucrat persons by descriptive document and then with regard to their life circumstances review their bureaucratic and political behavior. The findings of the present study confirms that presence in Bureaucratic positions in the fifth and sixth centuries AD , was dangerous but have significant advantages, so the ministers for keeping their position and young elite for reaching these positions was trying hard. It is obvious that due to suffocation and prejudice on that days, it was not possible to had good and constructive competition, so the formation of foci of conspiracy and Killing opponents was common in the age of Saljukhi

In a period of saljoughian habit of ministry on the ground of firmness side of diffrent power and scantyin contro work inner and exterior this habit to be rackoned arms of government country ministry in saljoughi period. one of the habits mutured islamic government taken into account and this axis mechanism minister has many power he was as to deputy president responsible all of the aspects of country office and has many responsebility. Financial respansebility judicial religion and formalite are to be reckend important ministry responsible. shiite revolution serence and serence and gradual one of the purposes in the intrim countionary with government following to find an opportunity minster place as to one of the higher and effective habits of government was purposes them in spite of dangrouses following them from 64 ministry of outset from epoch toghrol beik (445 H) until ending period thired toghrol in (56 H) of ministry inputed. 13 person was imamy shiite the first of them was tajolmolk abolghasem. the famous shiite ministry was anoshirvan ebne khaled bood writer ((naflat almasdour fi fatour al soudour، soudour alzaman alfatour)) that one of them degree in a period mohammadebne maleksha (511 H) as to temporory ministry and another time in)525 H) in a peiord of mohammadebne malekshah as to ministry and another time in period masoudenbe malekshah and all of salajeghe toghrolebne arsalan (third toghrol) all of them was shiite and the dossier full of biskness of salajeghe who starting them was abolfateh razi salar bozhgan bagher aldin ebne reza. moein aldin kashi and fakhrodin ebne Safialdin varamini ministry pertaining to the shiite was closed

Mlkshah Seljuk commissioned a group of scholars making up to write a book on statecraft He aims to strengthen the state's administrative and political behavior of the people who write policies and compilation of Nizam al-Mulk was highlighted and choose the Was partially Seljuk Sultan said: I have this book on their Imam would .go by the book's structure and spirit of the Seljuk rule, and it puts the five institutions. And duties of each of the marks. Duties of his reign as king and kingdom points. Then Secretary of the Department and pay duties . The judiciary and the judicial system and bureaucracy speaks and then examine the And finally, the idea of ​​casting an army of guards and eunuchs and ideas to consider , Khwaja ideas and thoughts about each of the five important government institution, He pointed to a device of the caliphate ruled by the Shah, it is not legitimate, He established the Department as an institution and established a stable regime posed to the independence of the kingdom, Bureaucratic and administrative arrangements to be carefully planned, and the judgment of the Court of Justice considered. And finally, because it is the foundation of any government, military and the main structure of the Seljuk rule was militaristic , In an attempt to create a permanent army., He stressed the Multinational Corps. Courtiers and eunuchs in a harem of women, as well as directives issued when the chorus is pretty remarkable.

The Buwaihids government was expanded to Fars, Jibal, and Iraq shortly after its formation. In Iraq, after death of Muizz al-Dawla, his son, Izz al-Dawla, reached to power. During his time, the Buwayhid government in Iraq lost its power, partly because of the ineffectiveness of the agents in charge. Muhammad Ibn Bakkiya was one the administrative and political figures of the Iraq's Buwayhids that was appointed as minister of Izz al-Dawla. He lacked any experiences in official bureaucracy and reached to ministry from Ayyari. His skill in tax collection and presenting gifts to Izz al-Dawla helped him in obtaining this position. However, his lack of experience in official bureaucracy influenced his ministerial operations and eventually led to some problems. Research findings show that his failure in ministry was both the result of his inexperience in official bureaucracy and the weakness of Izz al-Dawla in Iraq. This descriptive - analytic study aims at investigating the socio-political conditions in the life of Ibn Bakkiya, his ministerial activities, and his role in the political developments of Buwaihid government.

In the Timurid period، the emirs were mostly Turkish-Mongol and the viziers were Iranian. The non-distinction between the civil and military affairs and the power and authority of the emirs and the attempts of the Iranian bureaucrats in maintaining their own interests، had prepared the ground for the permanent conflict and competition between them. The long vizierate period of Khawja Qiyāth al-Dīn Pīr Aḥmad Khwāfī (d. 858/1454)، one of the famous viziers of Shāhrukh Timurid، who was able to maintain his position against the emirs، is of high importance in the Timurid history. In this article، the relations between the institution of vizierate and emirate is studied، with an emphasis on the vizierate of Khawja Qiyāth al-Dīn Pīr Aḥmad،

Ministry has been one of the most important positions during the history of Iran governance that is emulated from ministry position of the Sassanid government during Islamic period, but there can be found a difference in the field, in Islamic period along with the added Islamic rules and practices, it took a position and features appropriate to Islamic governance. The ministry position has been analyzed by various writers through political and religious perspectives. According to two sets of texts including Seyrulmuluk and Shari’atnamah, this study attends to analyzing the ministry position and also attempts to investigate how the political and cultural origins of the authors of the mentioned texts have been effective in interpretation of the ministry position. This study indicates that the political and religious origin of the authors has caused the fact that ministry position could be interpreted through two perspectives of empiricism and idealism.

The end of Joveini family duration put ministry institution in a period full of up and down during Ilkhani duration until Ghazan period began. Arghoon who reached Ilkhani in a reaction to Ahmad Tagoodar ٫Mongols Amir was minister. There was a stop in Ilkhani Divansalari organizing process and matching in with Iranian society٫ because Amir Booqa was at the head of government. The factors including the needs to handle Ilkhani realm and the results of ministry empire concentrations in the hand of Mongols Amir without any experience of Divansalari put Booqa in end. At that time ٫ Sadodoleh and Sadrodin Khalidi Zanjani were two of the Iranian dominant ministers who in spite their sufficiency to handle Ilkhani realm relation. After all they could match the Mongols with Iranian society by Divansalari this research the ministers of Ilkhani historyand their prows.

The issue of succession as one of the enduring issues in the history of Iran has had lots of implications and reflections on political, social, and economic arenas of the country. This article attempts to evaluate and analyze one of the outcomes of the issue of succession, e.g. removing and murdering Qajar ministers, in the context of political culture and in relation with the issue mentioned. The present article, taking advantage of a new approach, starts with an answer to the question: “why did the issue of succession during Qajar dynasty led to removing ministers who had a hand in the process of succession?.” The hypothesis proposed in this article is: the issue of succession and interference of Qajar ministers, regarding political distrust existing in the political culture of Iran, made the Qajar kings suspect and mistrust their ministers and be afraid of losing their own position; all these matters ended to murdering the ministers as a result of the issue of succession and political distrust.