جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « ottoman empire » در نشریات گروه « تاریخ »

From the classical era until the 19th century, Iranian literary texts occasionally served as a source of inspiration in the Ottoman Empire. One such example is Zahâk, a myth from Ferdowsi’s Shâhnâmeh, which was used to criticize the political situation in the Ottoman Empire. As Ottoman thinkers became familiar with the intellectual works of the West and the political structure of Europe, they began to criticize the governance of their declining empire. The prominent writer Şemseddin Sami, for instance, protested against despotism in various works, including plays such as Kāveh. This play not only exemplifies modern literature but also serves as a critical work by a Turkish thinker, expressing political issues in literary language. In Iran, Kâveh was translated by Mirzâ Ebrâhimkhan Amir Toumân as Zahâk, aiming to convey a different political context. This essay, inspired by “New Historicism” as a functional approach, illuminates the intended concepts of both the author and the Iranian translator. It reveals that both Iran and the Ottoman Empire had similar political experiences. Moreover, it shows that both the writer and the translator were aware of political despotism as a problem in their “homeland”. However, the political situation in Iran appears to be more complex. Understanding the political structure and the distinct experiences of monarchy in these contexts simplifies the question: why was Kâveh translated as Zahâk in Iran? Additionally, this play reflects social issues in Kâveh’s life, which adds another dimension to the work.

The presence of Iranian scholars and scientists and the support of the sultans and princes of it, the Persian language, literature and historiography got a special place in the Ottoman Empire. Under the patronage of the Ottoman court, several historical works were written. Idris Bitlisi has a special place among the Persian historians of the Ottoman court, and he can be considered as the most prominent representative of Persian writing and Iranian historiography in the Ottoman court. After presenting a description of the life of Idris Bitlisi, focusing on the text of Hasht Bihisht and Salim Shahnameh as his two historiographical works, the present study aims to identify the main components of his history writing and historiography and explain these components in the final step. The findings of this research show that the detailed report of events, using artificial and literary prose, the mixing of text with poems, verses, and hadiths, the lack of sufficient references to the sources of the narrations, and the Regular division of contents are the most important features of his history writing and the Presenting an imperial image of the Ottoman Empire, the effort to legitimize the Ottomans, using the historical narrative to serve the political purposes of the Ottoman state, placing the court in the center of the narrative, not confining to quoting political history, paying attention to governmental, scientific and social institutions, influential men and scholars, and pay attention to the conditions of neighboring nations are among his historiographical features. Based on the findings of this research, it is possible to prove that Bitlisi's use of complicated and artificial prose aimed to establish his position in the Ottoman court and present an imperial image of the Ottoman Empire, and legitimize it to deal with rivals such as the Safavids and Mamluks.

The presence of Iranian scholars and scientists and the support of the sultans and princes of it, the Persian language, literature and historiography got a special place in the Ottoman Empire. Under the patronage of the Ottoman court, several historical works were written. Idris Bitlisi has a special place among the Persian historians of the Ottoman court, and he can be considered as the most prominent representative of Persian writing and Iranian historiography in the Ottoman court. After presenting a description of the life of Idris Bitlisi, focusing on the text of Hasht Bihisht and Salim Shahnameh as his two historiographical works, the present study aims to identify the main components of his history writing and historiography and explain these components in the final step. The findings of this research show that the detailed report of events, using artificial and literary prose, the mixing of text with poems, verses, and hadiths, the lack of sufficient references to the sources of the narrations, and the Regular division of contents are the most important features of his history writing and the Presenting an imperial image of the Ottoman Empire, the effort to legitimize the Ottomans, using the historical narrative to serve the political purposes of the Ottoman state, placing the court in the center of the narrative, not confining to quoting political history, paying attention to governmental, scientific and social institutions, influential men and scholars, and pay attention to the conditions of neighboring nations are among his historiographical features. Based on the findings of this research, it is possible to prove that Bitlisi's use of complicated and artificial prose aimed to establish his position in the Ottoman court and present an imperial image of the Ottoman Empire, and legitimize it to deal with rivals such as the Safavids and Mamluks.

The role and position of the Kurdish Baban Emirate in Iran-Ottoman relations has been neglected. The main problem of the present research is to investigate the impact of the Ottoman central government's inability in the eastern provinces on the security of the western territory of Iran. Emirate of Baban and Pashalik of Baghdad were provinces far from the Ottoman center. The territories of both rulers were separated from the territory of Iran after the Zohab Treaty, but Iran's influence and role in Baban and Baghdad never disappeared. The inability and unwilling of the Ottoman central government - especially from the twelfth century to the middle of the thirteenth century - had led to a power vacuum in the eastern provinces. Such a situation was a serious threat to the western territory of Iran. As the subjects and borderlands of Iran were exposed many times to the raids of the Kurds and Arabs of the territory of Baban and Baghdad. In order to ensure the security of its territory, as well as maintaining and continuing its role and influence in the territory of Baban, Iran was inevitably involved in the conflicts between Baban and Baghdad. Some researchers have wrongly considered Iran's involvement in Baban and Baghdad issues as "interference". While Iran's involvement was as a legitimate right to Self-Defense. In the present research, the claim of Iran's "interference" has been rejected by a descriptive-analytical method and a critical approach, citing Iranian and Ottoman documents and sources. Because the involvement of Iran in the affairs of Baban and Baghdad was more than based on the will of the Iran, it was caused by the inability and unwillingness of the Ottoman government in the eastern provinces. Basically, the Ottoman government was considered among the unable or unwilling states from the point of view of international law. In order to ensure the security of its subjects and borderlands, Iran sometimes had to use force, except for political and diplomatic ways

The present study surveys the spread and diversity of Waqf endowments in the Ottoman empire (10th-13th centuries A.H./16th-19th centuries A.D.) according to the documents found in the national archive of Bulgaria. The study aims at identifying the various types of Waqf, its distribution patterns, and the usages of Waqf revenues in the Ottoman empire during the specified time span. The documents studied in this research, in addition to the unpublished records, include 470 records related to Waqf in the Ottoman empire compiled by the Oriental Department at the St. Cyril and Methodius National Library and published as the Inventory of Ottoman Turkish Documents about Waqf Preserved in the Oriental Department at the St. Cyril and Methodius National Library. The study’s main question is: What were the common types of Waqf and the usages of Waqf revenues in the Ottoman empire? In other words, the study sets to analyze the sources of Waqf income and its usages in the Ottoman empire according to the aforementioned documents and during 10th-13th centuries A.H./16th-19th centuries A.D. It is concluded that the highest frequency of Waqf income in 10th-13th centuries A.H./16th-19th centuries A.D. was from leasing endowed properties, while in the 11th century A.H./17th century A.D. it came from the Jizyah taxes in different cities. Additionally, the usage of Waqf revenues include instances such as paying salaries to the employees in endowed properties, maintaining the endowments, and providing food for the poor.

With the collapse of the Ottoman Empire following World War I, a part of its territory was split among the Allies, leading to the formation of many countries, including Iraq. Iran regarded the territory of Iraq up to the Euphrates as a part of its territory since ancient time and had clashed with the Ottomans for centuries to achieve this goal and saw the Versailles Peace Congress to raise this demand after the conclusion of the war. However, the great powers, particularly Britain, had envisaged a different destiny for Iraq, and as a consequence, Iraq became Iran's western neighbor. Therefore, it is clear that, from this point on, Iran's stance toward the newly created Iraq was impacted by a historical backdrop which caused the Iranian government to refuse to recognize this country for years. This prompted the Iraqi government, fomented by the British Empire and seeking to consolidate its influence, to exert pressure on Iran through measures such as the deportation of Iranian religious scholars who criticized British trusteeship, canceling the capitulation of Iranian citizens in Iraq, as well as border disputes. Finally, this turmoil, combined with other national and international issues, compelled Iran to recognize Iraq. As a result, the problem of the present research is to know why and how the newly established Iraq was recognized by Iran after many years. Also, this research employs a descriptive approach, drawing on Persian and Arabic texts and sources from the historical era in question to study and explain the causes or factors impacting these relationships, as well as their shifts and evolutions.

The legitimacy of the Safavid dynasty was widespread to the extent that hardly anyone believed that they could be replaced as kings of Iran. The long shadow of the Safavid dynasty persisted even for years after its demise insofar as the main problem of Ashraf Afghan's government was its lack of legitimacy. Accordingly, all his efforts were devoted to solving this problem. This article attempts to examine the reasons for Ashraf Afghan’s lack of legitimacy, his solutions and the degree of his success based on a descriptive-analytical method and using primary archival sources. The findings show that the shadow of Safavid legitimacy weighed on Ashraf Afghan’s government, forcing him to use various means togain legitimacy. These included issuing letters of amnesty, confirming the deed of endowment for Shiite holy sites, minting coins with legends that would not provoke his Shiite subjects, marrying into the legitimate royal family (Safavids) and being recognized by the Ottoman and Russian empires. However, these acts could not help Ashraf Afghan and his Shiite subjects did not support him in the face of Nader’s invasion, which put an end to hisrule.

From the end of the 18th century and then with the Ottoman Empire's entry into the Tanzimat era, reforms took place in the political, cultural, military, and economic spheres. As a result, many debates about these reforms emerged. Among the most controversial of these debates was the question of reforming or changing the alphabet, which the debate continues so far. The current study by examining the course of the alphabet change in Turkey from the end of the Ottoman times to the beginning of the Republic seeks to identify the critical and influential factors of the alphabet change in Turkey and reveal the historical process of this issue. According to this research, the Ottoman elites from the middle of the 19th century realized the need to change the alphabet and many debates occurred about the alphabet. With the abolition of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, the issue of changing or reforming the alphabet has received more attention and was personally pursued by himself Ataturk, president of the newly established Republic of Turkey. And on 1 November 1928 with the passing of the “ Law on the Adoption and Implementation of the Turkish Alphabet “ the Alphabetic revolution took place.

During the reign of Nader Shah Afshar, one of the most notable events was the Mughan Council, which is believed to have altered the monarchy. Nader Shah, however, had many objectives, including securing the monarchy for his lineage, distancing himself from the nobles and clan leaders who supported the Safavid dynasty, modernizing internal affairs and taking a particular political and religious stance toward it, forging new alliances, and settling the long-standing dispute with the Ottoman empire. The participation of some of the people in the Mughan Council who were invited for consultation was another crucial factor. The Mughan Council has so many complex issues that its sheer volume obscures its main problem. Why did Nader Shah form the Mughan Council, and what was its primary purpose? What was the need to establish it? Conducting it first was to transfer Safavid's sovereignty to Nader. The historical facts, the process of acquiring power, the unusual circumstance, and the matters brought up before the Mughan Council are irreconcilable with this notion. This process has involved a more significant issue. Nader Shah aimed to expand his territory beyond the Safavid domain, which had a predominantly Sunni population. He also redefined the regulation of internal and external power relations, leading to establishment of the Mughan Council through a complex set of interrelated issues.

So far, extensive researches have been done in the field of Timarli system in the Ottoman Empire; But there are still many unsaid angles by historians and history researchers. What is supposed to be investigated in this article, the cavalry corps of the government were facing the problem of lack of metals and liquidity to cover the cost of the corps. In order to solve this problem, land was given to the cavalry corps as treatment. Timarlis, who were part of the formation of the state forces and played an important role in establishing the Ottoman power, became weak and decreased in number from the end of the 16th century. Some historians consider the decline of the Timarli system as one of the important factors of Ottoman decline. The current research is based on the descriptive-analytical method in order to explain the issue of how the reduction of the position of the Timarli institution had an effect on the governmental structure of the Ottoman Empire. The findings of the research indicate that the decline of the Timarli system resulted in the weakness of the military and defense organizations of the Ottomans and became the basis for the riots of the troops and ultimately the weakness of the empire. In this sense, the Ottomans lost their military structure of the cavalry regiments and prepared the ground for rebellion and protest of the Qapi-Qulu troops, including the cavalry corps and the Janissary infantry.

According to Farid Alatas, the theory of state formation of Ibn Khaldun has provided the means to understand the rise and fall of many pre-modern states; in such a way that his approach can be applied to special historical cases. Ibn Khaldun has explained the formation and decline of states based on the cycle struggle between two types of pastoral nomadic and sedentary societies. Theory of Ibn Khaldun lacks an economic system. For this reason, Farid Alatas has tried to take the methods of production from Karl Marx and integrate them into Ibn Khaldun's theory. The purpose of this study is to explain the rise of the Ottoman Empire in Khaldunin Farid Alatas's reading. The method of this study is documentary _ library. According to the stady’s results obtained in a descriptive _ analytical manner, In view of Farid Alatas The Ottoman Empire has been established in terms of interaction between pastoral nomadic and sedentary societies interactions, and in this area of the Ottoman Empire is related to the Muqaddimah of Ibn Khaldun. Therefore, Farid Alatas by adopting the theoretical framework of Ibn Khaldun has argued the relationship between the pastoral nomadic mode of production on the one hand and the Asiatic mode of production and The prebendal feudal mode of production on the other hand.

The “Young Ottomans” as an intellectual movement in the Ottoman Empire dealt with the issue of decline. Namık Kemal, the most prominent figure in this society wrote a number of works in which he reflected on this problem. Namık Kemal focused on this issue and tried to find an approach to understanding the Ottoman problems through various works, including plays. In two critical examples, namely “Vatan Yahut Silistre” and “Gülnihal”, Namık Kemal tried to find a way out for the crisis-stricken Ottoman Empire. This article deals with Namık Kemal’s attitude toward decline. In Vatan, Namık Kemal has considered the role of the foreign dimension of Ottoman decline. It seems that Vatan is an example of the romantic nationalism with which Namık Kemal  tried to restore the lost pride of the Ottomans. In contrast, in Gülnihal he has paid attention to despotism. In other words, Kemal was aware of both the internal and external problems that had put the Ottoman Empire in a precarious position. In both plays, Namık Kemal has resorted to romantic stories to express his point of views. The findings of this study suggests that, the most central issue for Namık Kemal has been protection of idea of Ottoman Empire.

We can consider Aldonma as one of the difference new Masonic Jewish religious of research and study. The importance of this band, or community coming for a number of factors, that is because it is played an important role on late Ottoman Empire, this role which has spread to Turkey until today, and we can see this things in our Islamic world Therefore, it is necessary to identify this band Through the study and follow all the stages of development and the role which played in the period of Ottoman.In the second half of the 17th century, the Ottoman state encountered historic and political circumstances which led to the rise of "Donmk Jews" sect through the rabbi Sabbatai Sebi from Azmir when the latter declared himself an Expected Messiah.This sect is a Jewish one pretending to be Muslim, while it secretly exercises special religious rites. This sect is called the "Sabbai Sect". It had an impact on the Ottoman internal affairs in the period of sultan Abdul Hameed II, and that was evident through its role in the Ottoman coup in 1908, It also affected the policy adopted by the assembly of "Al-ltihad Wal Taraqqi" while holding power and managing the Ottoman state affairs. Embracing Islam by the Jews in Turkey and pretending with that, keeping their religion, is similar to doing that by other people for the purpose of achieving the goals of their original doctrines.

Rumi was one of the most powerful and important sects in the Ottoman Empire, which operated based on the customs and principles of Sufism. By adapting to the political and religious principles of the Ottoman Empire, Rumi established a deep connection with the Ottomans and by expanding his influence in the Ottoman system of government, he was active for a long time in various areas of Ottoman society. The main purpose of this article is to analyze the political, social and religious relations of Rumi with the Ottoman government from the beginning of the eleventh century AH / seventeenth century AD to the end of the Ottoman period. Rumi's approaches and activities in the Ottoman Empire, Rumi's relations with the Ottoman rulers, and Rumi's performance during the Reformation are the most important topics under consideration. The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is library. According to the findings of this study, Rumi always had a stable and close relationship with the Ottoman government, and the great Rumi, by influencing the Ottoman government, provided valuable services to the Ottoman government and led to the support of the Ottomans for Rumi. Have, so that even Rumi has replaced Bektashi. Thus, except in very rare cases, Rumi did not interfere in the political affairs of the Ottoman government and was not strict.

Amir Kabir's modernist thoughts and its evolution period are rooted in his four-year embassy in the Ottoman Empire. During this period, he became acquainted with the reformist settings and developments of Ottoman society. The modernist developments of Ottoman society are instructive and instructive for Amir Kabir And led to his intellectual transformation, and when he came to power he modeled on the Ottoman arrangements in his modernist actions. This research is a documentary attempt based on authentic historical documents, with a research-oriented approach to clarify how developments affect Ottoman society is written on the modernist thoughts of Mirza Taghi Khan Amir Kabir in the era of adjustments.Key words : Ottoman Empire Amir Kabir adjustment Modernization Iran. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Sultan Selim III (1789-1787) was one of the reformist Ottoman sultans who, with his modernist ideas and the support of modern elites, sought to bring the Ottoman government to the forefront of world competition and by organizing internal affairs and initiating fundamental reforms tried to save the kingdom from crisis and recession. In addition, he was able to pave the way for new reforms for his successors. The present study is descriptive-analytical and based on library resources. It tries to explain and analyze the evolution of the Ottoman Empire in the political, economic and social arenas in the era of Sultan Selim III and examine the type of reformist actions and reactions of the Ottoman society to his actions to find out why the Ottoman modernist Sultan's reform project failed.

Ashraf Afghan, as the heir to Mahmoud Afghan precipitate government, who had ended the Safavid dynasty in Iran, defeated those who had claims over power and his government’s enemies inside and outside of his administration by adopting a compiled program.Ashraf Afghan, as the heir to Mahmoud Afghan precipitate government, who had ended the Safavid dynasty in Iran, defeated those who had claims over power and his government’s enemies inside and outside of his administration by adopting a compiled program. The most important enemies of Ashraf: Prince Tahmasb Mirza, the last survivor of the Safavid dynasty, who sought to restore power to the Safavids, Nader Afshar, a fresh force from the Abivard, and The Russian and Ottoman invading governments to Iran. It should be noted that the formulation and adoption of such an effective program and strategy for Ashraf Afghan was not so easy and limited to the struggle with the claimants of power that it could be obtained by relying on the power of the troops and equipping the warrior's armies, but this program should be in addition to It has the capacity to increase the position of Ashraf from an occupier of the land of Iran and the usurper of the throne of the royal royal family of Safavid to a legal and verifiable status. This was not naturally risk averse, and not only Ashraf but all the aggressors also had to take responsibility because the failure to operate the strategy would have caused them to pay hard

The fall of Ottoman Empire in 19th century led a number of Ottoman thinkers to contemplate about its reasons. Among these thinkers, Namık Kemal was a prominent figure who wrote enormously on the problem of Ottoman crisis and necessity of reform. This paper deals with a less-studied aspect of Ottoman modernist thought which is reflected in one of Kemal’s works. Of numerous works by Kemal which are written in different style and genres, his Rüya (i.e. dream) has received less academic attention. In this work, he has dreamed of a utopian world in which the ideal society he wished came true. Indeed, Rüya represents an aspect of Kemal’s romantic approach to the problem of modernity in Ottoman society. In this work, Kemal used an allegorical narrative to introduce the concept of “Hürriyet” (freedom) to a traditional society and to explain his patriotic ideas about the critical situation of his homeland. A critical examination of this work might be helpful to understand some of the challenges that modernist thinkers such as Namık Kemal should deal with. Meanwhile, it could help us to achieve a better understanding of the thought of a prominent thinker who played a crucial role in the process of Ottoman modernization.

Iran and Ottoman Empire over the course of centuries, have left a high-tensionrelationship. One of the main issues that still remains to be seriously investigated is the question of how the two state’s boundaries are delimitated. Since the signing of the second Erzrum Treaty in 1263/1847, the delimitation of two states entered a new stage. Right from the middle of the nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century, numerous commissions, composed of representatives of four states, were set up to resolve border disputes between Iran and the Ottoman Empire. The first delimitation commission (1266/1850) in fact, is considered the turning point of all future commissions. The present research responds with the historical method and analytical-critical approach, relying on documents, in particular the foreign affairs documents, as well as some manuscripts on these questions: How and why the first demarcation commission was formed? What was the actions of the Ottoman representative, Derwish Pasha, during the first demarcation commission? Two works of Moshirdouleh and Derwish Pasha, along with Iranian and Ottoman documents, have been the basis of the present research.

Ottomans, as a local emirate in West Anatolia, gradually became an independent state and even a global empire in the late thirteenth century. Although the tradition of the historiography in the Ottoman state emerged with some delays, however after the formation, it evolved and became one of the main trends of Islamic historiographies. So far, there have been numerous studies about the formation and evolution of Ottoman historiography. However, the position and impacts of Persian Historiography in the formation of Ottoman Historiography as a whole has not been investigated yet. Because some of the main Persian sources have not been edited and have remained unpublished, for instance, we still have not a critical edition of Bitlisi’s Heşt Bihişt at hand yet. However, in recent years a number of sources have been edited and published in Iran and Turkey. With the publication of these works, there is a good chance to review the position and dimensions of the emerged field. Addressing the Ottoman historiography, especially for us as Iranians, may be helpful to understand the historiography of Iran better, and is also of great importance, because from the beginning the formation of Ottoman historiography and also at the culmination of its perfection, it was greatly indebted to Persian language, Persian elements and models. This study is based on these questions: In what historical circumstances Ottoman historiography was formed? What elements were involved in its formation? What was the position and aspects of Persian historiography in Ottoman Empire? The present study answers these questions by using the desk-study and via historical and analytical approach.