جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « İran » در نشریات گروه « تاریخ »

The history of the Pahlavi era is the transition period of Iran from the semi-colonial era to the neo-colonial era and dependence on the imperialist powers. The present research has studied Iran's foreign relations in the first Pahlavi period based on the theory of "dependency". In the circle of competition between the two top powers of that period (that is, Russia and England), Reza Shah practically turned into a dependent agent and lacked will. In the framework of this competition, he was the executor of the policies of the colonialists who sought their interests in the dependence of the Iranian government on them. Based on the "dependency" method, the current research has sought to examine the main problem of the research, i.e. the functioning of Iran's foreign relations during the first Pahlavi era. Based on the findings of this research, Reza Shah's love and fascination for Western culture and civilization led him to blindly imitate Western culture and try to implement that incongruous culture in the Islamic society of Iran. At the same time, his fear and concern about the western conspiracy against his government, made him to obey the foreigners more, which trapped Iran in the complex circuit of dependence in various dimensions.

The book "Kurd and His Racial and Historical Connection" is written by Gholamreza Rashid Yasmi, who wrote it in 1316 at the request of the Ministry of Culture of Iran. As the title suggests, the subject of the book is related to the history and issues of descent and race of the Kurdish people. During the reign of Reza Shah, the cultural apparatus of the government, based on a strong and mysterious desire, commissioned Gholamreza Rashid Yasmi, Mardukh Kurdestani and Vladimir Minorski to compile the history and determine the racial origin and prove the Iranianness of this people. In his studies, the author has not come across a convincing point about the causes of this desire. As a major possibility, it can be believed that this strong desire of the racist and Aryanist Pahlavi government to prove the racial identity of some ethnic groups living in Iran with the Persian speakers is the root of this government's interest in recruiting non-Turkish Iranian ethnic groups to plan It has been claimed that the population of Persian-speaking people and their ethnic brothers is superior to the Turkish population. Perhaps a forward-looking purpose to raise land claims against the Kurdish lands of neighboring countries was also involved in this desire. The land claim against the Ottoman Kurdish lands in the declaration of land restitution submitted to the Paris Peace Conference by the Iranian delegation in March 1919 and the emphasis on the Iranian-race and Iranian-language of this people is another evidence, which strengthens this suspicion. As the authors of the three mentioned projects, in exchange for receiving wages, documents and research facilities, the authors compiled Kurdish history based on the principles and criteria set by the Pahlavi government and created a confused and fake history for the said people. The basis of the work in compiling this history is to prove that Akrad is Iranian based on the special definition of the government elites of the concept of being Iranian, to prove that Kurds are Aryans and the racial commonality of Kurds and Persians, to prove the presence of Kurds everywhere on the Iranian plateau, to integrate Kurds into Aryan and Persian society. Putting the Kurdish language under the Persian group, attributing some dynasties of the kingdom of Iran to the Ekrads, and finally attributing the Kurds to the Median dynasty or civilization was based. The writing of the book "Kurd and His Racial and Historical Connection" was completed in the conditions of cultural vacuum and lack of written works on the mentioned subject, and the contents of this book, despite many flaws and errors, were widely accepted in the shadow of propaganda and editing by others. Unfortunately, in the shadow of the Pahlavi government's cultural authorities' abuse of the special historical situation and cultural vacuum to compile written works based on their Aryan-oriented and Persian-oriented principles and interests, and the subsequent efforts of the cultural institutions of this government to put history on the throne self-made and artificial works and the continuation of this practice in the era after the Islamic Revolution, such non-scientific and non-documented writings sit in the place of reference books and have shaped the intellectual and attitudinal structure of the intellectual and academic society of Iran and become sources They became their subject for the compilation of subsequent books.“Kürd və onun irqi-tarixi davamlılığı” kitabı 1316-cı ildə İran Mədəniyyət Nazirliyinin sifarişi ilə Qulamrza Rəşid Yasmi tərəfindən yazılmışdır. Adından da göründüyü kimi, kitabın mövzusu kürd xalqının tarixi, soy və irq məsələləri ilə bağlıdır. Rza şah dövründə hökumətin mədəni aparatı güclü və müəmmalı bir istək əsasında Qulamrza Rəşid Yasmi, Mərdux Kurdestani və Vladimir Minorskiyə tarixi tərtib etməyi, irqi mənşəyini müəyyənləşdirməyi və bu xalqın iranlılığını sübut etməyi tapşırdı. Müəllif araşdırmalarında bu istəyin səbəbləri ilə bağlı inandırıcı bir məqama rast gəlməmişdir. Böyük ehtimal kimi, irqçi və arianist Pəhləvi hökumətinin İranda yaşayan bəzi etnik qrupların farsdillilərlə irqi kimliyini sübut etmək üçün türk olmayan iranlı etnikləri öz sıralarına cəlb etmək marağının kökündə dayandığına inanmaq olar. Qrupların planlaşdırılması Farsdillilərin və onların etnik qardaşlarının əhalisinin türk əhalisindən üstün olduğu iddia edilmişdir. Ola bilsin ki, bu arzuda qonşu ölkələrin kürd torpaqlarına qarşı torpaq iddiaları qaldırmaq kimi perspektivli bir məqsəd də var idi. İran nümayəndə heyətinin 1919-cu ilin martında Paris Sülh Konfransına təqdim etdiyi torpaqların geri qaytarılması bəyannaməsində Osmanlı kürd torpaqlarına qarşı torpaq iddiası və bu xalqın iranlı və irandilli olmasının vurğulanması da bu şübhəni gücləndirən bir dəlildir. Adı çəkilən üç layihənin müəllifi olaraq əmək haqqı, sənəd və tədqiqat imkanları müqabilində Pəhləvi hökumətinin qoyduğu prinsip və meyarlar əsasında kürd tarixini tərtib edən müəlliflər sözügedən insanlar üçün saxta tarix yaratmışlar. Bu tarixin tərtibində işin əsasını hökumət elitasının iranlılıq anlayışına verdiyi xüsusi tərifə əsaslanaraq Ekradın iranlı olduğunu sübut etmək, kürdlərin ari olduğunu və kürdlərlə farsların irqi ümumiliyini sübut etmək, İran yaylasının hər yerində kürdlərin olması, kürdlərin ari və fars cəmiyyətinə inteqrasiyası, kürd dilinin fars qrupuna daxil edilməsi, İran krallığının bəzi sülalələrinin Ekradlara aid edilməsi və nəhayət, kürdlərin Midiya xanədanlığına və ya sivilizasiyasına aid edilməsi əsaslanırdı. “Kürd və onun irqi-tarixi davamlılığı” kitabının yazılması mədəni boşluq və qeyd olunan mövzuda yazılı əsərlərin olmaması şəraitində başa çatdırılmış və bu kitabın məzmunu bir çox nöqsan və xətalara baxmayaraq, ictimaiyyətdə geniş şəkildə qəbul edilmişdir. Təəssüf ki, Pəhləvi hökumətinin mədəniyyət orqanlarının xüsusi tarixi vəziyyətdən və mədəni boşluqdan sui-istifadə edərək öz ari və fars yönümlü prinsip və maraqları əsasında yazılı əsərlər tərtib etməsi və bu hökumətin mədəniyyət müəssisələrinin sonrakı səyləri kölgəsində tarixi taxt-taca çıxarmaq üçün öz istehsalı və süni əsərlər və bu təcrübənin İslam İnqilabından sonrakı dövrdə də davam etdirilməsi, bu cür qeyri-elmi və sənədsiz yazılar istinad kitablarının yerində oturub, fikri və münasibət quruluşunu formalaşdırmışdır. Kitab İranın intellektual və akademik cəmiyyətinin mənbəyinə çevrilir və sonrakı kitabların tərtibi üçün onların mövzusuna çevrilir."Kürd və onun ırki-tarixi davamlılığı" kitabı, 1316    yılında İran Kültür Bakanlığı'nın isteği üzerine Gulamrıza Raşid Yasmi tarafından yazılmıştır. Adından da anlaşılacağı gibi kitabın konusu Kürt halkının tarihi, soy ve ırk meseleleriyle ilgilidir. Rıza Şah'ın hükümdarlığı sırasında, hükümetin kültürel aygıtı, güçlü ve gizemli bir arzuya dayanarak, Gulamrıza Raşid Yasmi, Mardukh Kurdestani ve Vladimir Minorski'yi tarihi derlemek, ırksal kökenini belirlemek ve bu halkın İranlılığını kanıtlamakla görevlendirdi. Yazar, çalışmalarında bu arzunun nedenleri konusunda ikna edici bir noktaya rastlamamıştır. Büyük bir olasılık olarak, ırkçı ve Aryanist Pehlevi hükümetinin, İran'da yaşayan bazı etnik grupların Farsça konuşanlarla ırksal kimliğini kanıtlamaya yönelik bu güçlü arzusunun, bu hükümetin Türk olmayan İran etnik gruplarını askere alma konusundaki ilgisinin kökeni olduğuna inanılabilir. Grup planlaması Farsça konuşan halkların ve onların etnik kardeşlerinin nüfusunun Türk nüfusundan üstün olduğu iddia edildi. Bu arzunun içinde belki de ileriye dönük olarak komşu ülkelerin Kürt topraklarına yönelik toprak iddialarını gündeme getirme amacı da vardı. İran heyetinin Mart 1919'da Paris Barış Konferansı'na sunduğu toprak iadesi beyanında Osmanlı Kürt topraklarına karşı toprak iddiası ve bu halkın İran ırkına ve İran diline vurgu yapılması bu şüpheyi güçlendiren bir başka delildir. Adı geçen üç projenin yazarları olarak yazarlar, aldıkları maaş, belge ve araştırma olanakları karşılığında Pehlevi hükümetinin belirlediği ilke ve kriterlere göre Kürt tarihini derleyerek adı geçen halk için karışık ve sahte bir tarih yarattılar. Bu tarihin derlenmesindeki çalışmanın temeli, hükümet elitlerinin İranlılık kavramının özel tanımından yola çıkarak Akrad'ın İranlı olduğunu kanıtlamak, Kürtlerin Aryan olduğunu ve Kürtlerle Farsların ırksal ortaklığını kanıtlamak, Kürtlerin İran platosunun her yerinde bulunması, Kürtlerin Aryan ve Fars toplumuna entegre edilmesi, Kürt dilinin Fars grubuna dahil edilmesi, İran krallığının bazı hanedanlarının Ekradlara atfedilmesi ve son olarak Kürtlerin Medyan hanedanına veya medeniyetine atfedilmesi. dayanıyordu. "Kürt ve ırksal ve tarihi devamlılığı" kitabının yazımı, kültürel boşluk ve söz konusu konuda yazılı eserlerin bulunmaması koşullarında tamamlanmış ve bu kitabın içeriği, birçok kusur ve hataya rağmen, geniş çapta kabul görmüştür. Ne yazık ki, Pehlevi hükümetinin kültür otoritelerinin özel tarihi durumu ve kültürel boşluğu kötüye kullanarak Aryan odaklı ve Fars odaklı ilke ve ilgi alanlarına dayalı yazılı eserler derlemesi ve bu hükümetin kültür kurumlarının müteakip çabaları gölgesinde tarihin kendi kendine yapılan ve yapay eserlerle tahtına oturtulması ve bu uygulamanın İslam Devrimi sonrasındaki dönemde de devam etmesi, bu tür bilimsel olmayan ve belgelenmemiş yazıların referans kitaplarının yerini alması, entelektüel ve tutumsal yapıyı şekillendirmiştir. Kitap İran'ın entelektüel ve akademik toplumunun kaynakları haline geldi ve sonraki kitapların derlenmesine konu oldu.

With the outbreak of the First World War and the withdrawal of the Russians from Iran and Azerbaijan, the politicians of Azerbaijan north of Aras declared their independence and named the country the Republic of Azerbaijan. Naming the republic after Azerbaijan met with a negative reaction from Tehran. After the end of the war, the warring countries meet in Paris to discuss peace matters. The delegation of Iran and Azerbaijan will stay in Istanbul and during this stay, 4 talks will be held between the heads of the two countries. In one of these conversations, the Iranian government proposed the union of the two countries, which was important. This article deals with the negotiations between the heads of the two delegations.  Birinci Dünya Müharibəsinin başlaması və rusların İran və Azərbaycandan çıxarılması ilə Arazın şimalındakı Azərbaycan siyasətçiləri müstəqilliklərini elan etdilər və ölkəni Azərbaycan Respublikası adlandırdılar. Respublikaya Azərbaycanın adının verilməsi Tehranın mənfi reaksiyası ilə üzləşib. Müharibə bitdikdən sonra müharibə edən ölkələr sülh məsələlərini müzakirə etmək üçün Parisdə toplaşırlar. İran və Azərbaycan nümayəndə heyəti İstanbulda qalacaq və bu səfər zamanı iki ölkə başçıları arasında 4 görüş keçiriləcəkdi. Bu söhbətlərin birində İran hökuməti iki ölkənin birliyini təklif etdi ki, bu da vacib idi. Bu məqalə iki nümayəndə heyətinin rəhbərləri arasında aparılan danışıqlardan bəhs edir.  Birinci Dünya Savaşı'nın çıkması ve Rusların İran ve Azerbaycan'dan çekilmesiyle Aras'ın kuzeyindeki Azerbaycan siyasetçileri bağımsızlıklarını ilan ederek ülkeye Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti adını verdiler. Cumhuriyete Azerbaycan'ın adının verilmesi Tahran'dan olumsuz tepki aldı. Savaşın bitiminden sonra savaşan ülkeler barış meselelerini görüşmek üzere Paris'te buluşuyor. İran ve Azerbaycan heyeti İstanbul'da kalacak ve bu ziyaret sırasında iki ülke başkanları arasında 4 görüşme gerçekleştirilecekti. Bu görüşmelerin birinde İran hükümeti iki ülkenin birleşmesini önerdi ki bu da önemliydi. Bu makale iki heyet başkanları arasındaki müzakereleri ele almaktadır.

The Dhofar movement, which lasted for ten years, was initially influenced by Arabian nationalism led by Gamal Abdul Nasser, but shifted towards the Eastern bloc after the Arabs’ defeat by Israel (1967 AD). Shortly before England’s withdrawal from Persian Gulf when Sultan Qaboos entered Oman’s political scene (1970 AD), Iran suppressed the movement with British and American support. The influences of Arabian nationalism and the communism current were the two major challenges during this decade shaping Iran’s political response to the movement. Iran implicitly declared neutrality to the movement despite confirming legitimacy of its religious leader. However, once Sultan Qaboos rose to power, Iran directly participated in the suppression of the movement. The main concern of this descriptive-analytical paper is to know why this happened. Findings show that the above-mentioned challenges significantly impacted on Iran’s adoption of two distinct political approaches: While affirming the legitimacy of Sultan’s adversaries, Iran initially avoided bolstering the movement’s position against the West and maintained positive neutrality and refrained from any actions. Later on, to consolidate the position of the new sultan and to confront the growing influence of the East, Iran suppressed the movement.

This research aims to examine the main principles of Iran's foreign policy during the reign of Shah Abbas I Safavid based on the view of Hafez Farman Farmaian in the book Historical Analysis of Iran's Foreign Policy from the beginning to today and to answer the question that what principles did Shah Abbas I Safavid follow in governing Iran's foreign policy? The method of data collection in this research is library and documentary, and the method of data analysis is descriptive-analytical. The findings show that the main principles of Iran's foreign policy during the reign of Shah Abbas I Safavid were the same principles that F Farman Farmaian mentioned as the traditional principles of foreign policy. According to the findings, the principles governing Iran's foreign policy in the era of Shah Abbas were expanding and guarding the borders of the government territory, developing and protecting trade routes, supporting neutral countries on Iran's borders, and the approach of cultural tolerance and religious tolerance in the realm of governing.

The Qajar era was the beginning of Iran's extensive interactions with the Western world and the gradual penetration of Western culture into this land. During the peak period of the affectability of Iranians from Western culture in the Qajar era, some Westerners present in Iran, contrary to expectations, were influenced by the culture and personality of Iranians. These people often encountered ambiguities in interacting with Iranians and showed a curious effort to understand the character of Iranians. By analyzing why Iranians' character attracted the attention of Western travel writers while criticizing their opinions about the psychological characteristics of Iranians, this research tries to answer the question of what was the reason for the deepening of Iranians' character for these orientalists. The most important factor in the complexity of the character of the Iranians for the westerners was the innate spirit of the Iranians. The present research has examined this issue using library data and descriptive-analytical method.

One of the most up-to-date and complicated political and legal events in the western Persian Gulf region is the unresolved legal issues regarding the delimitation of maritime zones between Iran and Kuwait. As a semi-closed water area, the Persian Gulf has had a turbulent past in terms of legal regime. At present, some of the Persian Gulf countries have reached relatively specific agreements regarding the delimitation of maritime zones. However, the complex marathon of the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf in the area of the exclusive economic zone as well as the continental plateau of this sea has not been resolved until now. In this regard, if we have an overview of the positions of the Islamic Republic of Iran, we will see that Iran invokes the principle of equity to divide or delimit its maritime borders and is seeking to claim its lost rights. The main purpose of this research is to achieve an acceptable, equitable, and provable method for delimiting the boundaries of maritime zones between the countries of Iran and Kuwait based on obtaining equity results which are based on the recent procedures of the International Court of Justice and specific procedures of other countries and are in clear contrast with the traditional procedures of delimitation. The research method is analytical-descriptive based on collecting data in a library and using scientific research publications, databases, and computer networks

The development of freeways in recent years has removed many historical routes and smaller cities from the country's passenger transportation cycle and harmed their economy. The necessity of protecting and revitalizing these routes is to know the talents and attractions in them. Since most of the country's roads were formed in the last century on the basis of the road network during the Qajar period, the historical sources of this period provide a better understanding of these routes. These sources are divided into two main European and Iranian categories. The extraction of appropriate geographical data from Iranian sources cannot be compared to the reports of European agents equipped with modern knowledge and tools. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to explain the role of the reports of the European agents in the understanding of Iran's routes during the Qajar period, focusing on the Malayer-Borujerd route, which has been carried out by the historical analysis method and using first-hand sources from libraries and archives. The results show that the detailed reports of the European agents, besides being very different in the quality of the introduction of this route, have introduced another route by crossing the telegraph line as the main route, which is not mentioned in Iranian sources and is the shortest in terms of the distance, and rich in terms of natural and historical attractions. This can apply to many other parts of the country and be the subject of future research.

The strategic and commercial importance of the Persian Gulf from the beginning of the 19th century AD provided the grounds for the attention and presence of European countries in this region. Since the end of this century, with the change in Germany's approach to the international system, this country paid attention to the Persian Gulf in its political map and tried to increase its influence in the West Asian region, including the Persian Gulf, against England. Therefore, this country sought to find new ways for economic influence through the establishment of German companies on the shores of the Persian Gulf. With the occurrence of the constitutional movement and the period after it, the Germans opened numerous shipping lines to transfer the commercial goods of the two countries between the port of Hamburg and the islands and ports of the Persian Gulf, and their commercial activity reached a peak compared to other powers. The main problem of this study is Germany's commercial strategy in the Persian Gulf with the aim of influencing and gaining points and how to face other European powers during the first Pahlavi period. Accordingly, the main question is how to adopt this strategy, its mechanism, and its results. The purpose of this study is to examine Germany's approach to Iran and the Persian Gulf in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, emphasizing commercial activities. This study has been done with the method of historical research and descriptive-analytical type and benefits from historical sources and documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The findings show that the Germans used the strategy of establishing commercial companies in Iran during the first Pahlavi period for political influence by taking over a share of trade against other world powersl.The strategic and commercial importance of the Persian Gulf from the beginning of the 19th century AD provided the grounds for the attention and presence of European countries in this region. Since the end of this century, with the change in Germany's approach to the international system, this country paid attention to the Persian Gulf in its political map and tried to increase its influence in the West Asian region, including the Persian Gulf, against England. Therefore, this country sought to find new ways for economic influence through the establishment of German companies on the shores of the Persian Gulf. With the occurrence of the constitutional movement and the period after it, the Germans opened numerous shipping lines to transfer the commercial goods of the two countries between the port of Hamburg and the islands and ports of the Persian Gulf, and their commercial activity reached a peak compared to other powers. The main problem of this study is Germany's commercial strategy in the Persian Gulf with the aim of influencing and gaining points and how to face other European powers during the first Pahlavi period. Accordingly, the main question is how to adopt this strategy, its mechanism, and its results. The purpose of this study is to examine Germany's approach to Iran and the Persian Gulf in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, emphasizing commercial activities. This study has been done with the method of historical research and descriptive-analytical type and benefits from historical sources and documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The findings show that the Germans used the strategy of establishing commercial companies in Iran during the first Pahlavi period for political influence by taking over a share of trade against other world powersl.

Looking at the history of the last hundred years of Iraq, it is clear that Iraqi Kurds have not been in the right place in the political, economic, and social structure of this country. After the independence of Iraq and the establishment of the monarchy in this country, the Iraqi government sometimes ignored the demands of the Kurds. This created several military movements against the governments of Iraq at the time by the Kurds of this country, such as the Aylul movement on September 11, 1961, which became known as the September 11 movement or the Aylul movement and continued for 14 years. During this period, several different regimes came to power in Iraq, and several military coups took place, but none of these regimes could solve the problem of the Kurds and their demands. The September 11 movement experienced many strengths and weaknesses. At the end of this movement, the help and support of the Iranian government at the time to the Iraqi Kurds increased significantly, which, in a way, made the Iraqi government enter into the Algiers agreement. The present research has been done by descriptive-analytical method with the aim of investigating the position of Iraqi Kurds in the 1975 Algiers agreement and the effect of this agreement on their political destiny. The findings show that the 1975 Algiers agreement between Iran and Iraq, with the scapegoat being the Kurds by both sides, brought achievements for both countries in the short term. However, for the Iraqi Kurds, it led to the destruction of the September 11 front and the displacement of a large number of Iraqi Kurdistan residents to Iran and other neighboring countries. It also led to the division of Kurdish political parties inside Iraq. In addition, with the migration of Kurds and the Arabization of Kurdish areas, many problems arose for Kurds in this region.

In the future study of 1414, one of the most used and desirable issues should be the position of artificial intelligence caused by new technologies in criminal justice and its role and place in the better implementation of criminal justice in the countries of Iran and the UAE in order to protect and protect the rights of citizens and He knew the accused. A comparative study of the position of artificial intelligence in the criminal justice of Iran and the United Arab Emirates was conducted using a theoretical method and using library studies and sampling from research sources. Planning and macro policies of progress, the role and place of future research and the prospects and challenges ahead including localization, culturalization, proper exploitation are among the goals of the two countries of Iran and UAE that artificial intelligence can To play the role of influencing the process of criminal proceedings and actions related to the criminal system. Artificial intelligence can be considered as a new, dynamic and forward-looking knowledge and technology that can be used in different stages of proceedings in order to achieve better criminal justice and due to its many advantages such as speed, accurate analysis, and assistance to judges and parties to proceedings. , helping to predict various arrangements, policies and strategies, including the speed and facilitation of criminal proceedings, helping with preliminary investigations, training in the field of familiarity with procedural and citizenship rights, helping to control and prevent the commission of crimes and helping to create and expand Social, urban and environmental security should be used. In fact, artificial intelligence can be considered as a long-term strategy and plan in the two penal systems of Iran and the UAE in order to create a favorable, forward-looking and purposeful mechanism in relation to criminal justice and to create a suitable and forward-looking mechanism in the better implementation of goals. and the policies of the criminal and non-criminal systems of the two countries.

In the 20th century, many cultural and social changes were made in Iraq and Iran in the direction of modernization and development. Modernization and reformations that were discussed in two countries intensified during the reign of Malek Faisal bin Hossein (1300-1312) and Reza Shah (1304-1320). The current research examines and compares the cultural reforms in Iraq and Iran during the reign of King Faisal and Reza Shah, and also to evaluate the level of those reforms and their commonalities and differences in two countries. This research results show that the most important shared aspects of modernization in Iraq and Iran were first the reforms in the field of education at the primary level and then paying attention to the necessity of social active language. The most important difference was based on preserving the religious and indigenous aspects of cultural fields such as education, associations and clothing in Iraq, while in Iran the religious and indigenous aspects of cultural fields were severely weakened and marginalized under the influence of Western modernism and antiquarianism. Also, the level of cultural changes in Iran was much wider than in Iraq.

Gendarmerie since ancient times with different titles and tasks in establishing order and security of the country, especially the security of roads and areas outside the city limits, maintaining and guarding borders, combating drug and goods smuggling, protecting forests and natural resources, recruiting soldiers and other duties has been busy with its organizational duties. The new Gendarmerie started working during the Qajar rule, with the arrival of Swedish military advisors such as Yalmarson and the drafting of the constitution. This research is descriptive-analytical, and by using library documents and resources, it seeks to answer the question that how was the gendarmerie force established in Iran despite various internal and external problems? The findings of the research indicate that establishing order and security between cities and roads, villages and long borders of Iran has been one of the goals of statesmen in every historical period since the beginning. Therefore, until 1329 AH, all the governments took measures to stabilize the country's situation according to the time and according to their capabilities, and in order to eliminate the insecurity and disorder on the roads, they tried to form well-equipped and armed organizations, but none of these organizations until the time of the formation of the New Gendarmerie organization in the Qajar period. They were not durable and stable.

When Qawam came to power in June 1301 A.H., the policy of entering America as a third force was placed on the agenda of Qawam's government. The result of this policy was Arto Millespo's dominance over Iran's economy. With Reza Shah's accession to the throne, the policy of expanding American influence began to decline, and in December 1314 A.H., it led to the termination of political relations between Iran and the United States. Although the relations between the two countries were re-established in December 1318 AH, it did not lead to the expansion of American influence. The events caused by Shahrivar 1320 A.H. caused Qavam to appear again in the sphere of politics. Qavam took effective steps in the third (August 1321-1321 AH) and fourth (February 1324-1326 AH) administrations in expanding the political, military and economic influence of America as the third force. The present research, benefiting from the historical research method based on analysis, aims to deal with the role of Qawam governments in the expansion of American influence in Iran, during the years 1301 AH to 1326 AH. A policy that first raised America as the third force in Iran and made it the most influential country in Iran after the coup d'état on August 28, 1332 AH. The basic finding of the current research shows that after Shahrivar 1320 AH/1941 AD, with the aim of preventing the growth of communism, Qawam al-Sultaneh played a major role in the entry of America into the foreign policy scene

Research in their epic texts shows Iranians have paid special attention to issues of marriage and family formation and raising children since long ago,. they worked hard to preserve and maintain health of family foundation. It is obvious that ancient literary texts are the important and reliable sources for obtaining Iranian views and customs regarding family issues. Certainly, the ancient epic texts written after the Shahnameh, including Banugashspnameh, Barzonameh, Jahangirnameh, Bahmannameh, Shahyarnameh, Faramraznameh, Garshasbnameh, Samnameh and Kushnameh, which are sources of present research, from These are important and influential works. studied ancient epic texts, regardless of their poetic merits and advantages and theological and rhetorical aspects, are precious treasures that have political, social, and historical awareness, as well as documents according to the study. It has been done, research and examination of the originality and compatibility of daughter and son, obtaining permission from parents, giving a sign from son to adhere to future wife and child, honoring the position of the wife making big promises, swearing loyalty , suitors participating in tests with difficult and dangerous conditions to measure strength and power, courting, yes and no, bride's adornment by Mashata, marriage planners, giving shabash to the bride and groom, bridesmaids or groom's companions on the wedding night, giving a dress to the girl From the father of the girl, giving a gift as an unveiling of the bride by the groom is one of the rituals of the marriage celebration in culture of Iran, most of them are still current.

The Kerman Seljuk Sultanate or Al-Qaward (432-583 AH), one of the most important local governments in Seljuk history, was formed by Qaward in Kerman and controlled Kerman to the coast of Oman for one hundred and fifty years. It was the source of changes in the economy and land and sea trade; so that during this period, Kerman became one of the commercial bases in the territory of the Great Seljuk. Although due to the challenge between Sultan Malik Shah and Qaward, the founder of the Kerman Seljuk, several wars took place which caused a strain in the their relations, but finally they made peace and Al-Qaward tried not to interfere in the conflicts between the princes and the central government. This study aimed to identify the factors of survival and continuity of this local dynasty during the critical period after the death of Malek Shah. The results showed that the political attitude of Qaward's successors towards the central government in not intervening in the Seljuk conflicts and their attention to commercial and economic prosperity in the long term became the secret of its survival and stability. This research tries to analyze the subject from different angles based on the historical research method with a descriptive approach and referring to the original sources.

From the classical era until the 19th century, Iranian literary texts occasionally served as a source of inspiration in the Ottoman Empire. One such example is Zahâk, a myth from Ferdowsi’s Shâhnâmeh, which was used to criticize the political situation in the Ottoman Empire. As Ottoman thinkers became familiar with the intellectual works of the West and the political structure of Europe, they began to criticize the governance of their declining empire. The prominent writer Şemseddin Sami, for instance, protested against despotism in various works, including plays such as Kāveh. This play not only exemplifies modern literature but also serves as a critical work by a Turkish thinker, expressing political issues in literary language. In Iran, Kâveh was translated by Mirzâ Ebrâhimkhan Amir Toumân as Zahâk, aiming to convey a different political context. This essay, inspired by “New Historicism” as a functional approach, illuminates the intended concepts of both the author and the Iranian translator. It reveals that both Iran and the Ottoman Empire had similar political experiences. Moreover, it shows that both the writer and the translator were aware of political despotism as a problem in their “homeland”. However, the political situation in Iran appears to be more complex. Understanding the political structure and the distinct experiences of monarchy in these contexts simplifies the question: why was Kâveh translated as Zahâk in Iran? Additionally, this play reflects social issues in Kâveh’s life, which adds another dimension to the work.

The problem of current research is what is the meaning and relationship of time and place in the ancient Iranian historical perspective. What is meant here from Iranian historical perspective is a theoretical model and a discursive articulation consisting of a series of elements and concepts that emerged in the political and cultural contexts of the Mazdai-Sassanian period and were reproduced in later periods. The concept of time and place in the ancient Iranian historical perspective can be discussed on two levels: the socio-political and the theological-mythological. The socio-political level of time and place in Iranian historical perspective lies on the theological-mythological level. The theological-mythological level, which focuses on the struggle between good and evil, has a linear form. While the socio-political level of the concept of time and place is formed within a circular understanding of existence and society, and is based on the rise and fall of kingdoms, it has a cyclical and repetitive state. According to the results of this study, in the ancient Iranian historical perspective, the king is placed in the center and middle link of historical and transhistorical times and places. In this historical perspective, the socio-political level of time and place is located along the theological-mythological level, and around the status and order of the kingdom. Likewise, the collapse of the royal order causes the disconnection of the aforementioned historical and transhistorical times and places.

After World War I, Britain apparently sought to establish an independent Kurdish state in the Kurdish territories to hold it under its support. So, this country tested various methods and took advantage of the inability of governments such as Qajar during 1917-1919. In the meantime, Iran's constitutional era, which theoretically sought to build a state-nation based on modern thought, led to Iranian ethnic and religious groups, including the Kurds, falling under the influence of Britain. In the early stages, some of the Kurds joined the constitutional convergence process. However, the government's inability to implement this theory gradually dismissed the Iranian people, including the Kurds, and foreign governments, such as the British, in the absence of the government's presence among the Kurds, interfered in Kurds affairs, and provided the basis for breakdowns with the central government. The method used in this study is the descriptive-analytical method with a historical procedure and qualitative approach based on the collection and formulation of data from library resources, newspapers, articles, and archived documents. The problem of the present study is the British influence in the Kurdistan of Iran from the constitutional period to the end of the first Pahlavi period. With the intensification of foreign intervention and the increase in power during World War I, this gap among the Kurds expanded more than ever. Iranian Kurdistan was very important from a military point of view due to its location, and because of this importance, after World War I, Some countries, especially Britain, spread the whisper of Kurdistan's independence among the Kurdish clans in order to protect their interests.After World War I, Britain apparently sought to establish an independent Kurdish state in the Kurdish territories to hold it under its support. So, this country tested various methods and took advantage of the inability of governments such as Qajar during 1917-1919. In the meantime, Iran's constitutional era, which theoretically sought to build a state-nation based on modern thought, led to Iranian ethnic and religious groups, including the Kurds, falling under the influence of Britain. In the early stages, some of the Kurds joined the constitutional convergence process. However, the government's inability to implement this theory gradually dismissed the Iranian people, including the Kurds, and foreign governments, such as the British, in the absence of the government's presence among the Kurds, interfered in Kurds affairs, and provided the basis for breakdowns with the central government. The method used in this study is the descriptive-analytical method with a historical procedure and qualitative approach based on the collection and formulation of data from library resources, newspapers, articles, and archived documents. The problem of the present study is the British influence in the Kurdistan of Iran from the constitutional period to the end of the first Pahlavi period. With the intensification of foreign intervention and the increase in power during World War I, this gap among the Kurds expanded more than ever. Iranian Kurdistan was very important from a military point of view due to its location, and because of this importance, after World War I, Some countries, especially Britain, spread the whisper of Kurdistan's independence among the Kurdish clans in order to protect their interests.After World War I, Britain apparently sought to establish an independent Kurdish state in the Kurdish territories to hold it under its support. So, this country tested various methods and took advantage of the inability of governments such as Qajar during 1917-1919. In the meantime, Iran's constitutional era, which theoretically sought to build a state-nation based on modern thought, led to Iranian ethnic and religious groups, including the Kurds, falling under the influence of Britain. In the early stages, some of the Kurds joined the constitutional convergence process. However, the government's inability to implement this theory gradually dismissed the Iranian people, including the Kurds, and foreign governments, such as the British, in the absence of the government's presence among the Kurds, interfered in Kurds affairs, and provided the basis for breakdowns with the central government. The method used in this study is the descriptive-analytical method with a historical procedure and qualitative approach based on the collection and formulation of data from library resources, newspapers, articles, and archived documents. The problem of the present study is the British influence in the Kurdistan of Iran from the constitutional period to the end of the first Pahlavi period. With the intensification of foreign intervention and the increase in power during World War I, this gap among the Kurds expanded more than ever. Iranian Kurdistan was very important from a military point of view due to its location, and because of this importance, after World War I, Some countries, especially Britain, spread the whisper of Kurdistan's independence among the Kurdish clans in order to protect their interests.