جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « National Consultative Assembly » در نشریات گروه « تاریخ »

The Iranian constitutional movement catalyzed profound changes, culminating in the establishment of the National Assembly. As per the eighth provision of the constitutional amendment, all Iranians including recognized religious minorities such as Zoroastrians, Christians, and Jews were deemed equal under the law. This enabled them to appoint parliamentary representatives to voice their desires and secure their rights. This study seeks to delve into a central query using a historical-analytical approach and referencing parliamentary proceedings and extant documents: following the advent of the constitutional system and the creation of the parliament, how did religious minorities navigate their path to equal rights, and what obstacles confronted them? Our findings reveal a varied journey for these minorities in securing rights. Armenians notably pushed for parity with Muslims in electoral rights and sought suffrage for Christian women, but these demands found limited traction in the parliament. In contrast, Zoroastrians successfully entrenched their presence in the parliament by joining commissions and committees. Prioritizing legal equality, they secured memberships in provincial associations, and at times, Zoroastrian representatives viewed themselves more as representatives of the entire Iranian nation rather than just their minority group. The Jewish community encountered heightened challenges, predominantly stemming from internal divisions. Nonetheless, they proposed initiatives such as freedom of business, exemption for Jewish women from the general prohibition on female suffrage, and spotlighting Jewish concerns in the Majlis to reclaim some Jewish rights. Ultimately, the principle of equality under the law met with substantial challenges, leading to minorities being recognized not as integral components of the Iranian nation but as distinct communities.

The relations between Iran and Japan experienced ups and downs since 1941 due to the tensions caused by World War II. This caused japan to invest in Iran so later after the end of the war even though the country was viewed a model in Asia in recovering its lost power and progress in the economic-industrial structure. The commercial and political relations between Iran and Japan improved to some extent after the peace treaty, but the start of the Fourth Development Plan (1968-1972) provided a good opportunity for japan to find its place in the market of Iran. This study tried to find out that according to the purposes and principles of the Fourth Development Plan, how the industry and technical knowledge was transferred from Japan to Iran in terms of quantity and quality. The study focused on the motivations, contracts, abilities and capabilities of Japan and Iran and evaluated the level of relations regarding economic and cultural exchanges. Relying on the documents, reports of Iran Planning and Budget Organization, negotiations of the National Consultative Assembly, and the newspapers, this study aimed to examine economic policies and descriptively and analytical evaluate these relations and the expansion of relations based on the Fourth Development Plan. The results showed that the mutual relations continued and were expanded due to Iran’s efforts and the need of Iran Planning and Budget Organization for buying equipment, obtaining loans, and benefitting from the technical knowledge of Japanese experts in industry and Japan’s desire to buy oil and the raw materials from Iran and selling the products.

In Reza Shah’s period, tax income was one of the key sources for implementing the government’s renovation projects. Therefore, regulating the financial and tax affairs turned into a primary concern for the National Council Assembly. After the demands of guilds and government were raised together, the per-capita taxation on guilds and businesses was abolished and replaced by tax on income. As tax has always been one of the most prominent and challenging issues in the government–guilds relationships, the Council played a significant role in setting the new regulations while also accounting for guild demands as the nation’s legislative institution. This subject is the main focus of this study. This study relies on relevant literature and sources, as well as historical research method combined with an analytical-descriptive approach. It investigates the role of National Council Assembly in compiling and ratifying the most important tax regulations concerning guilds to assess the council’s performance regarding the government’s tax programs for guilds and relevant acts and regulations. This study assumes that the Council acted in tandem with the government to ratify the new regulations. The findings indicate that the Council attempted toward regulating tax and financial affairs including guild taxation as a key government project. Accordingly, the council abolished one of the oldest taxes on guilds and passed new regulations to pave the way for government oversight on taxation quantity and method of tax collection from guilds. However, the Council’s efforts to meet the demands of guilds and direct regulations toward a fair and balanced taxation policy—at least so long it did not conflict with higher government policies—are not negligible.

The presence of western counselors in Iran, for various reasons had, in addition to its benefits in its era, some margins and detriments. Sometimes, besides the tasks assigned to those counselors, there were hidden and marginal purposes and intentions. Of these the vast wrongdoings and breaches in the organization administered by Molitor and his impudence in his administrative position can be indicated. The presence of Nause, who was the executor of the Russia policies against Iran and one of the opponents of the Constitutional Revolution, and the presence of Molitor afterwards as the Administrator of the Telegraph and Postal Service have been investigated closely, as the clear examples, in this article.
The reflection of the obstacles and problems of telegraph and postal services in the National Consultative Assembly and the negotiation of the representative of the National Consultative assembly on those problems including the conducts of Molitor and his breaches can be considered as one of the strong points of the 4th term of the National Consultative Assembly.
In this article it has been attempted to answer fundamentally the question that what were the margins of the presence of this Belgian counselor and how did the Assembly dismiss him from his position and what were the evidences for his dismissal?
This article is based on the library sources and the documents and the description of the National Consultative Assembly’s negotiations.

Privatization is the proliferation of a culture by which the ownership in transferred from the public and state sector to the private sector. The discussions on privatization within its known form in the world date back to hundreds of years and the range of discussions related to Iran dates back to more than four decades. The necessities and discussions of privatization have always been attractive for governments for the adjustment of their relationships with the private sector. Through the analysis of the above discussion history in Iran and a glance at the negotiations of the assembly, it can be concluded that the talks of privatization discussions in national consultative assembly was more prominent from 1350s and the discussions started in early years of 1370s in Islamic consultative assembly.
The present research has attempted, through library method and historical-analytical approach, to investigate and analyze privatization in 21st and 22nd terms of the national consultative assembly. In line with the investigations done, it has been supposed that with the consideration of the government’s bold presence in all aspect of the economy in that era and the delay of debates over the development of the private sector and its necessities for Iran’s development and economy, privatization has just had very little traces in the economy of that time.

Documents are among the most important and reliable resources in historical studies and, among the mass of documents, petitions, as voices of people, could be explored as a rich source for historical studies, particularly in the field of social and economic history. Through a study of the structure of the petitions sent to the National Consultative Assembly between 1926 and 1932 by various trades and craftsmen, the author examines the demands and expectations of the petition writers. The findings of this study demonstrate that the examined petitions are similar to other documents with respect to their structural elements. Moreover, the study of their content reveals that tax-related problems and challenges with municipality offices were the most important themes of craftsmen’s and trader’s complaints.

An escalation in financial crisis of Iran on the eve of Constitutional Revolution, prioritized the necessity of organizing a financial system, for the National Consultative Assembly. The establishment of financial committee in which one of its attempts was, the regulation of incomes and expenses and decreasing pensions and salaries was done. These attempts in turn, accompanied the reactions of the beneficiaries of the old constitution and made them confronted the new constitution and mainly the institution of parliament. In this paper has been tried to analyze the aspects of this confrontation in political context. The main question is, what was the impact of the first parliament’s attempt in decreasing pensions and salaries on the confrontation between Parliament and The old constitution of power? The underscored point of this research, based on the regulating minutes of the Parliament and the analytical method, is the Elite’s reaction toward the constitution of power. Achievements demonstrate that the parliament’s attempt decreasing the pensions and salaries, heightened reactions of two boards in power’s core and the affiliation of it including the king, Imperial organization and Princes. This reaction had been flourished through the format of petition, taking sanctuary in parliament and a protest against this new-established organization.

Iranian Constitutional movement led to the formation of a new and unprecedented political order. The National Consultative Assembly was the main and most visible result of this fundamental change. However, from a historical point of view it was a turning point in political culture of Iranian people and requires special attention. This paper, based mostly on documentary sources, attempts to shed lights on a less studied aspect of this subject. Its main focus is on the political behavior of a certain Jahanshâh Amir Afshâr, the then governor of Zanjân and a member of the traditional political elite. Posing the question on its historical context, it tries to show that how and to what extent, a local governor could make challenges to divert the direction of elections to maintain his pre-constitutional privileges. The results show that despite overseeing the process by Dehkhodâ, an exceptionally staunch constitutionalist, Amir Afshar succeed to hold his privileges under new conditions and this, by its turn, eclipsed the constitutional nature of New Order.

Modernization was the most important socioeconomic approach of Pahlavi government in 60s and 70s. The post-World War II policies of the United States as a superpower against Communism, were important factors for paying attention to modernization across the globe. It was in 50s and 60s that the pro-American average Iranian family gained priority in socioeconomic programs of the Shah and the United States. The Shah and his imperial court gradually changed the family rank and class origin of the political elite by their plans and programs. This paper intends to analyze the social origin of Majlis deputies by library and statistical analysis method in order to review the impacts of Pahlavi government’s socioeconomic modernization policies on the composition of 20th, 21st and 22nd terms of the Iranian parliament. The findings show that Pahlavi government gradually paved the way for mobility of the average class and new elite to higher managerial posts. The change in positions of the elite in the parliament began from the 19th parliament and dragged into the 20th and finally completed its evolutionary course in the 21st parliament.

Iran’s excellent status in the Persian Gulf, owning Hormuz, Qeshm, Larak, Hengam, Abu Musa, Greater and Lesser Tonbs, Siri and other islands, has always been of interest to the world’s great powers. The islands in fact form an important and strategic defense ring in the country’s south borders. However, due to the neglect of Qajar Kings, who were busy with wars with Russia in the north, the government lost effective supervision over the country’s islands in the Persian Gulf, an incident which encouraged Arab rulers and sheikhs to reach for occupying the islands. Upon the 1820 peace pledge between Britain and Arab sheikhs, Britain in fact became the protectorate of the Arab tribes living in the south of the Persian Gulf and it used the tribes as a tool for pressing Iran over the Islands and securing its power in the Persian Gulf. With the establishment of Pahlavi rule, the government and the National Consultative Assembly started a series of ongoing efforts over the issue of the islands. The present paper aims to answer the question as to whether the Assembly, as the country’s prime legislative institution with great power and authority, was actually successful in opposing Britain’s expansionist policies on the islands. The findings suggest that the despotic regimes of the first and second Pahlavi shahs highly affected the Assembly’s performance over the issue, creating two distinct profiles each with their own ups and downs.

Abdollah Yassa’i, representative from Semnan and Damghan to the 5th, 6th and 17th Assemblies, was a proponent of the Pahlavi rule who, with Tadayyon and Davar, devoted his sustained efforts to support Reza Khan’s accession to the throne and overthrow of the Qajar dynasty. In the 5th Assembly, he won 10714 votes out of a total of 15643 votes and was elected as the representative from Semnan and Damghan. He won the majority of votes in the two next elections, too, and had 14257 votes out of a total of 14689 votes. It should be pointed out that this was a period during which people took the least interest in elections and the 5th, 6th and 7th elections were more superficial than real. The present study offers an evaluation of the National Consultative Assembly in the beginning of Reza Shah’s throne and then builds a profile for political activities of Abdollah Yassa’i in this period. The author ventures to explore different aspects of his personality and examine his activities and stances he took toward Pahlavi and Qajar monarchies.

The primary problem that guided this research was explaining the question of why internal and external political developments after August 1941, which were coincident with the opening of the thirteenth Parliament, did not lead to a fundamental change followed by an increasing role of the National Consultative Assembly in different fields. In the analysis of the problem, it is assumed that the development of the structure of the modern absolutist state, along with the aggravation of social fragmentation and the continuation of the traditional and patriarchal political culture as major obstacles to political development, had left the Parliament in an unstable and subservient position in the subsequent years, so that in the historical period of the 1950s, despite the internal critical situation caused by the weakening of the power of Shah as the top of the pyramid, strengthening of the political and military bureaucracy, and the foreign rule of the Allied Forces, the National Consultative Assembly lost its ability to monitor the affairs and make its ideal legislation. Consequently, despite the weakness of the monarchy and the young Shah’s lack of command over the affairs of the country, and with the struggle between the internal power groups and the weakening of territorial independence, we witnessed another interregnum in the legislative arena, and at this time, Domestic and foreign issues had a heavy shadow on the nature and functioning of the democratic institution of the National Consultative Assembly. Thus, achieving the ideals of Constitutionalism was given second priority, and attention and efforts remained focused on gaining or maintaining the democratic and political aspects of Constitutionalism, leading to a disregard for other constitutional organs. In this way, one of the most important aspects for the crystallization of Constitutionalism, that is, the development of the political culture in the new society based on participatory culture was postponed. Moreover, the sequence of events after the Constitutional Revolution was such that the efforts to “preserve the Constitution and the institution of legislative assembly” replaced any attempts to “develop the Constitution” and institutionalize its goals. Indeed, this is the key to the interpretation of all the events after the Constitution. By referring to historical sources and documents and studying the structure and function of the Parliaments in the 1950s, which encompasses the social and political life of thirteenth to sixteenth Parliaments, we can analyze the situation where, despite Reza Shah's departure from the political scene of the country and the subsequent political openness and in spite of the beginning of a new round of decentralization in the political and social structure of power, this temporary change did not mean progress in the path of development nor the dominance of new political-social institutions, such as the Parliament, parties, and social organizations, over the system of political power. The continuation of the structure and nature of the traditional political system and the rise of the political elite from the traditional sources of power, the most important of which was the traditional political culture, led to the reproduction of the absolutist domination in the Constitutional era, which was evident in the form of the confrontation between the structure and action of the Parliaments in the 1950s and the parallel centers of power.

One of the most important issues about the Persian Gulf in the Pahlavi era was the problem of the triple Iranian islands. The islands of Abu Musa, Greater Tunb, and Lesser Tunb are three important arch-shaped strategic and defensive points in the water border between Iran and the Arabic tribes of the Persian Gulf near Strait of Hormuz. Throughout history, the islands have always been a part of Iran and have never had a separate fate from the history of this land. However, with the presence of England in the Persian Gulf and its support for the Arabic tribes in order to gain control over the region, the history of the islands was affected by the policies of this country. The issue was so important that it found its place again on the agenda of the then governments after the 1953 coup d'état in Iran and Iran’s resumed efforts to exercise power in the Persian Gulf. Attention to the measures by the Pahlavi regime and the then members of the National Consultative Assembly to advance their objectives in this regard is of significant importance. An attempt is therefore made to analyze the stance of the government and the NCA towards the issue after the 1953 coup d'état. The results show that the government adopted an active diplomacy, accompanied by the NCA’s policy of silence, to consolidate its authority in the islands and advance its objectives while waiving some of its interests in regions such as Bahrain.

The first Pahlavi era (1925-1941) is one of the most important eras of Iranian history, during which remarkable changes and developments were made in the landscape of politics, economy, culture, society, etc. in the country. One of the most important developments was the marginalization of nomads and tribes in the scene of political, social, military, and economic power. Using different methods and techniques, the Pahlavi regime set out to suppress, disarm, and then settle or sedentarize the nomads and tribes, who used to be powerful and effective in many scenes.Therefore, the problem of nomadic tribes in this era was one of the main issues in macro policy-making of Iranian society in political, military, cultural, and social fields. Due to the importance of the studied issue and its validity and value in the decisions of policy-making institutions during the said era, the present study attempts to describe and analyze the place of the institution of the Parliament in policy-making for nomadic tribes during the first Pahlavi era.According to the Constitution of Iran, in the legal structure of power, three institutions, namely the “Monarchy”, “National Consultative Assembly”, and the “Board of Ministers”, were authorized to make policies regarding the issues of nomadic tribes. The present paper analyzes the place of the National Consultative Assembly in the process of policy-making through general and specific legislation for nomads and tribes.