جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "gilaki" در نشریات گروه "ادبیات و زبان ها"

Clitics, as a subtype of bound morphemes, can be treated as syntactic words. However, they are morphologically dependent on a word with which they make up a morphological unit. This study attempts to describe and analyze clitics in Gilaki (Eshkevarat dialect) by employing a battery of tests proposed in the literature. The data for the present study come from the linguistic intuition of one of the authors and a number of existing written sources. Then, all the bound morphemes were described and analyzed employing phonological, morphological, and syntactic tests. Under Kalavens’s approach (1982, 1985), one can say that as all clitics in Gilaki attach to the end of the base, hence they count as enclitics. Eshkevarat Gilaki contains eleven clitics, nine of which are special clitics and 2 of them are simple ones.

Culture and language are deeply related. Language, whether spoken, written, or visual, can better reflect origins and cultures than any other element. In order to get a true picture of the culture of work in Iranian society and to judge the accuracy of the claim of some experts that there is a weakness of work culture in Iranian society as an undesirable historical heritage, the study of popular culture and literature is important. Given the relationship between language and culture, the cultural characteristics of society should be reflected in the language and the popular culture and the literature of society. Proverbs, as one of the most important elements of popular literature, can to a large extent represent the culture and values ​​ governing the  society throughout history.
Studying how work culture is represented in the popular literature of different local cultures can be an important step in developing research in the field of anthropology and sociology of literature. Therefore, in this research, an attempt will be made to study and study the components related to cultural work in Gilan culture. The issue of this research is how to represent work culture in Gilaki proverbs.


This paper is a descriptive and analytical study in which an attempt is made to refer to a part of the folk culture heritage of Gilan using content analysis method reflecting the work culture in Gilaki proverbs. Content analysis refers to any inferential method used regularly, objectively, and determining the characteristics of messages. After examining about 3070 Gilaki proverbs of East and West and the center of Gilan, 142 Gilaki-related cases related to work culture were extracted. In order to gain an understanding of the content of semantically ambiguous proverbs, an attempt was made to use several people familiar with the Gilaki dialect throughout the research process. Moreover, in this research, each of the proverbs were taken as one content unit. Subsequently, examples with common themes were placed under specific categories.


Today, in development programs, the element of culture is more and more considered to the extent that cultural development is introduced as a factor in the movement and dynamism of society beyond development and economics. One of the most important factors in the development of any society is the existence of an efficient cultureal work and human resources. If we consider culture as a set of values, norms and belief systems of a society, then we can say that cultural work is in fact a set of common values ​​and beliefs of a group or work organization or an economic community in performing productive and service activities. Work culture is a set of internalized, desirable and appropriate behaviors in employees that is necessary for the development and success of the organization. According to Giddens (1994), work culture is a set of values ​​and norms that members of a group have and follow.
People's views on work, commitment and work consciousness, discipline, criticism, teamwork and cooperation and consultation in work, appreciation, looking at wealth, individualism, rationalism, responsibility, risk-taking and foresight, hard work are among the most important components in cultural work. In addition to the above, observance of work divisions and organizational issues, rational thinking in doing things, educatbility, saving on substance use, flexibility, interest and attachment to work, observance of occupational health and safety, use of new technologies are other components of work culture.
Since work culture is one of the signifiant factors of growth and development in any society, most experts introduce the training of human resources and its optimal use as one of the indicators of growth and development of societies. When the work culture in a society is weak, it means that there is no desire to work productively, hence the activities will be less effective. Some studies in Iran emphasize the weakness of work culture in Iranian society. On the other hand, most of the researches emphasize the lack of positive values ​​related to work in the culture and temperament of the Iranian society throughout history believing that laziness, tendency to destiny, irresponsibility and the lack of collective spirit along with other negative characteristics are the most visible obstacles to the development of Iranian society. Proverbs as a part of popular culture and literature can be a reflection of the culture of a society.


After repeated readings of the proverbs, major categories related to work culture were extracted. The value of work and effort, attention to expertise and skills and experience, teamwork and participation, individualism and self-reliance, foresight, attention to time, order in work, wealth, tendency to destiny are among the most significant components of work that are illustrated in Gilaki proverbs.
Among the components of work culture, the component of importance of work and effort (26%), specialization and core skills (15%), foresight and reasoning (11%) and individualism and self-reliance (10%)  are of the highest content frequency in the proverbs. Also, the study of proverbs shows that there is a positive attitude towards the component of participation and group work (8%), order and rule in work (8%). These components are compatible with the culture of development and entrepreneurship. The findings of many previous studies often emphasize the weakness of work culture in Iranian society and the reflection of Iranians’ negative attitude towards it in the popular literature. These studies introduce laziness and weakness in work culture in Iranian society as a historical issue. For example, Rezagholi (1373) and Ghazi Moradi (1389) consider the tendency to destiny and non-individualism of Iranian society throughout history as one of the obstacles to Iran’s development. However, the focus on popular culture indicates that the positive individualism is praised in Gilaki proverbs.

The objective of the present study is to report a descriptive-analytic study on the probable correlation between verb/object and adjective/standard orders as well as the dominant word orders of verb/object and adjective/standard in two varieties of northwestern Iranian languages, namely Taleshi and Gilaki, and their correspondence to the Dryer’s Branching Direction Theory. the dominant tendency and correlation of the aforementioned orders were examined and the results were compared on the basis of Dryer’s observed patterns. The data collection was carried out through a structured interview, devised based on a questionnaire including a compilation of 60 Persian sentences and phrases that were translated into Taleshi and Gilaki during interviews with 10 elderly illiterate and semi-literate speakers respectively from Hashtpar and Bandar Anzali. Based on the obtained results, Taleshi variety was proved to be an OV&StAj language. This result corresponds well with Dryers’ findings confirming an obvious preference for StAdj order among OV languages and conforming to BDT. Concerning Gilaki variety, however, samples fell evenly in two groups of either StAdj or AdjSt with OV order. Therefore, there is no definite claim implying the frequent occurrence of StAdj, which can conform to BDT in this variety. It can be concluded that although both Taleshi and Gilaki belong to verb-final languages, their tendencies towards Adj/St order can be the main source of difference distinguishing these varieties. This study can provide an appropriate context for further investigation of word order in language varieties belonging to the same language families at a broad level

In this Article, we investigated the phonological distribution of stress in Gilaki. To this end, words from four different morpho-syntactic classes were gathered which varied in the location of stress depending on their morphological structure. 14 native speakers of Gilaki read the target words. The words were then phonologically transcribed and the location of stress was determined. An overview of the data suggested that lexical stress in Gilaki is predominantly word-final; however, the presence of some affixes results in the distribution of non-final stressed words in this language. The data were analyzed within the metrical phonology to reach a generalized account of the varied distribution of stress in Gilaki. Thus, we suggested that stress in Gilaki is either assigned at the level of phonological word in which stress is located on the last syllable of the word, or at the level of phonological phrase in which stress is placed the strong syllable of the leftmost phonological word in the phrase.

In Gilaki, four forms are used to express permission: vâhâštǝn, bedâ, benǝ and tânǝstǝn. Some of these forms indicate the issuance of permission and some indicate the request for permission. These forms are the result of the grammaticalization of the forms that had lexical functions in the old periods of Iranian languages. In this article, the process of grammaticalization of the grams which represent permission has been investigated based on the data from Avestan, Old Persian, Middle Persian, and Persian literary texts. In most languages, permission is represented either through the grammaticalization of verbs that imply abandoning and leaving or through the grammaticalization of verbs that imply the concept of ability and are also used to express probability. In the Gilaki, the forms vâhâštǝn and bedâ, from the root harz / hard, which means "to leave", survived in the old period of Iranian languages. Benǝ, from the infinitive nehan, in addition to the lexical meaning of "putting", was used in a stage of language evolution to express the meaning of "leaving" and then its imperative verb was grammaticalized to express the concept of permission. Tânǝstǝn is also from the root tav meaning "to be able" in the old period of Iranian languages. This form in the course of evolution, in addition to the modal concept of ability, is also used to express possibility and permission.

No description has yet been provided on the earlier stages of Gilaki grammar, a Caspian language of northwestern branch of Iranian languages family. With the discovery of a manuscript of Šaraf-šāh Dulāi’s Divān (collected poems) in 1970s, the material required for such research is now at available to us. Following the introduction of the lexical structure of the early Gilaki based on Šaraf-šāh’s Divān, in this article, I aim to provide a brief grammatical sketch of the early Gilaki. To this end, after introducing the manuscript and looking at its orthography as well as sound system, I examine different grammatical categories including noun, pronoun, adposition, verb, and their corresponding dependants. I also reconstruct some unattested forms from existing partial paradigms in Divān. Finally, I make a comparison between early Gilaki and the two main branches of new Gilaki, namely western and eastern Gilaki.

Possession is a universal concept. It can be syntactically represented as one of the two major varieties: Attributive or Predicative. Attributive possession is encoded as a noun phrase containing the possessor and the possesee, while predicative possession is encoded as a sentence. In the present study, predicative possession construction in Rashti Gilaki was investigated with a cognitive approach. Both primary and secondary data were used in this study. A total of 420 sentences were gathered via native Gilaki speakers, all of which verified by other native speakers of the same variety, as well as the data already created in Rastorgueva et. al. (2012). The theoretical framework of the present study is Stassen (2009) in which four major categories are introduced for encoding predicative possession including Locational, With-possessive, Topic possessive and "Have" possessive. The existence of the Locational variety, as well as With-possessives and "Have" possessives were confirmed, while no evidence for the existence of Topic possessives could be found. "Have" possessives occurred more frequently than the other two varieties, making up the overall majority of the data. As a result, it can be considered the main strategy for encoding predicative possession in the Rasht variety of Gilaki.

The distinction between language and dialect is one of the most challenging issues in sociolinguistics and it has been the subject of numerous studies in the sociolinguistic literature of the past several decades. Most communities around the world are either bilingual or multiannual. As such, determining their states has received considerable critical attention. In spite of the fact that there is only a single standard language (Persian) in Iran, a number of varieties, such as Gilaki, Mazandarani, Tati, Taleshi, Semnani, Lori, Kurdish, etc. are spoken among smaller communities as their means of communication. Whether these varieties are independent languages or dialects of standard Persian (hereafter SP) is a major area of interest within the field of Persian linguistics. Although different proposals have been made with respect to the distinction between language and dialect and much is currently known about this main issue, none of them is entirely unproblematic. Hence, the criteria by which this issue can be settled have not been clearly established. In other words, there is no consensus on any of them in literature. To explore the state of Gilaki from linguistic and non-linguistic perspectives, this paper intends to critically review the best-known criteria such as mutual intelligibility, standardization, autonomy, norms, prestige, size, and writing systems. The data of this qualitative research are collected via the writer’s linguistic intuition and checked with more native speakers and written sources if necessary. It is worth noting that the data presented in this study come from Eshkevarat Gilaki (hereafter EG). First, we showed that the existing criteria suffer from fundamental shortcomings. As such, the state of Gilaki cannot be determined by taking a single criterion into account. Then, we argued that given the dominant linguistic, social, and political conditions as well as the function of Gilaki in Iranian speech community, this variety is regarded as a dialect from a non-linguistic perspective due to the fact that it neither functions as an official language nor has a different origin from Persian as the standard language in Iran.  From a linguistic perspective focusing on this issue, we followed the approach that if there are a number of linguistic (phonetic, morphological, grammatical) differences between two varieties, there will be two possibilities: 1. Their speakers can understand each other. 2. Their speakers cannot understand each other. In the former case, they are regarded as two distinct languages; while in the latter case, they will be taken as the dialects of the same language. We investigated linguistic differences between EG and SP, focusing on pieces of evidence from phonology, morphology, syntax and semantics/ pragmatics. Phonological differences provided in this paper had to do with a number of sounds in EG including /y/, /2/, /@/ which SP lacked. Furthermore, we pointed out that the phonological processes in EG were captured independent of SP. With respect to morphological differences, best attempts were made to shed light on two issues namely past markers and prefixing verbs in this work. Past markers in EG are realized differently from SP. In past verbs of EG, the prefix -b@ attaches to the beginning of the stem and past markers, such as /t/ and /d/, etc follow stems. Interestingly, the prefix -b@ is absent in negative past verbs beginning with the negative prefix -n@. Another morphological difference discussed in this paper had to with the high frequency of prefixing verbs in EG whose equivalents in Persian are either a simple verb or a complex predicate. In the section on the syntactic differences, we focused on adpositions, the order of head and complement in lexical phrases, the order of adjective and standard of comparison, Ezafe construction, split topicalization, and impersonal construction coming up with drastic differences between EG and SP. Finally, in the section of semantic/ pragmatic differences, we provided some words of EG which are used both for males and females which is not the case in SP. It is then concluded that all these differences can certainly have a great impact on the mutual intelligibility of their speakers. To be more exact, Persian speakers cannot easily understand EG. By contrast, most EG speakers have a good command of SP as it is used in various contexts including media, educational system, government business, etc. The findings suggest that Gilaki is a language from a linguistic perspective as there exist a variety of linguistic differences not only between EG and SP but also between different varieties of Gilaki. As such, the findings of exploring the state of a variety from linguistic and non-linguistic perspectives do not necessarily verify each other; rather they can be in conflict. This study offers some insights into the state of Gilaki in Iran. The findings can make a major contribution to encouraging Gilaki native speakers to attempt to maintain their language and keep it alive by getting their children to acquire it as their first language and making use of it in more contexts.

In Gilaki language, propositions like, "var / vir, virja, bija" are used to transfer the meaning "near, beside, with, by side of ...". These propositions, in addition to concept "place", also signify the concept of accompaniment. This paper is an attempt to investigate the core meaning of var, its semantic changes and the process of its grammaticalization using the data from Avestan and Middle Persian. Var's relationship with virja and bija is also discussed. Gilaki language’s data is provided by Rastorgueva et al. (2012) and some local poems. Var in Gilaki, is derived from varah in Avestan and war in Middle Persian (= chest). As the result of metonymic use of language, this word has got some meanings like "beside, with, by the side of …". By passing time, it has been used to point out the space around human, which is under his control. It is shown that this proposition is merged with the preposition ja / je and the result is the formation of the preposition virja. Since the core meaning of "var" signifies the human body and in categorical metaphor's model, human bodies associated with object-person category, these propositions also include the semantic feature of accompaniment. Moreover, the infinitive "manestan" (to resemble), have changed into proposition in the noun phrase constructions.

Compiling dictionaries for Iranian languages has basically been concentrated on Persian. Since the 19th century onwards, almost all the bilingual dictionaries of Persian are also limited to some major European languages such as English, French, and Russian. However, in this almost uniform set, we can across a glossary in the 19th century, which is a Gilaki-English one, compiled by Alexander Chodźko (1804- 1891). In his book Specimens of the Popular Poetry of Persia as Found in the Adventures and Improvisations of Kurroglou (1842), Chodźko has provided the very first glossary of an Iranian language other than Persian, with the English equivalents. This book is a collection of songs of the inhabitants of northern Iran, and the Gilaki ones contain glossaries too. The current article aims to introduce this glossary on one hand, and compare it with some other glossaries published later on top show how the words have undergone semantic changes from the time of Chodźko up to that of ours.

Kinship terms are words used to identify relationships between individuals in a family and to address these individuals in a speech community, such as, father, mother, brother and daughter. These names act independently in syntax and morphology in some languages. This independence is not frequently found in other areas of these languages. This article focuses on kinship terms in Caspian languages (i.e., Gilaki, Taleshi and Tati). Rashti dialect has been selected from Gilaki language, Parasari dialect has been sleeted from Taleshi language and Deravi dialect has been selected from Tati language. The data analysis of this research shows that in these dialects the nominative and non-nominative cases of kinship terms are different from the same cases of other words in these dialects. These terms have their exclusive forms for the nominative and non-nominative cases. In terms of morphology there are also specific rules for these terms; for example, in kinship terms of Gilaki language we can see five-part compound names; this phenomenon not only is rare in other Iranian languages, but also in other compound names in Gilaki.

The present research explores the conceptual metaphors of happiness in Persian, Kurdi and Gilaki languages within the framework of cognitive linguistics. Native speakers of these three languages were interviewed and conceptual metaphors were extracted and classified based on kovecses's framework (2008). Then, most frequently used metaphors were identified in each language and used source domains and mappings were recognized. Next step was comparing these used source domains and mappings in three investigated languages and comparing conceptual structure of happiness in them. Finally, conceptual metaphors of happiness were compared in these three Iranian languages and some other languages like English.

Onomatopoeic words are names referred to sounds made by animals, birds, human beings, and nature. They are similar to the sounds they are described; In fact, in these kinds of words, the relation between form and meaning is natural. However, there are varieties among onomatopoeic words in different languages, sometimes they are rooted in different structures of the languages and in some cases indicating their cultural diversities. In this study, structures and semantics of the onomatopoeic words in Gilaki and Rashti dialects are studied. Thus, 138 onomatopoeic words have been extracted from two Gilaki glossaries and two Gilaki native-speakers who are almost 60 years-old, and the findings are presented in four tables based on their significance. Then, according to morphological forms of the onomatopoeic words, they are classified in three primary groups as simple, complete reduplication and partial one, and two secondary groups such as re-reduplication and discrete reduplication. Finally, in comparison with Persian onomatopoeias, it has been shown that from a structural perspective, there are many similarities between the onomatopoeias of the two languages; but from a semantic-pragmatic viewpoint, there are some differences which can be explained by cultural and geographical differences between Gilaki and Persian languages in most cases.

Applying address terms is considered as a kind of observing social politeness in the society and the speakers of each language use them regarding their particular ways. This article is an analytic-descriptive research which assesses address terms in the Persian and Gilaki languages and compares them with each other. Fifty Gilaki speakers and 50 Persian speakers, ranged between 25 to 40 years old, were selected as the samples of the study. Researchers tried to answer two questions: 1) What are the most frequently used address terms in Persian and Gilaki?, and 2) What is the difference between these terms in the two languages? The results reveal that Persian and Gilaki speakers are similar in applying the address terms of “nick names” and “kinship phrases”, however, after these two, the Persian ones use more “respectful titles” while the Gilaki ones apply more “titles” to call each other. Besides, address terms of “clipping”, “religious names” and “other names” are among the least frequently used phrases in Gilaki. Although there is no significant difference between applying the terms in the two languages, the existence of the above-mentioned differences indicate the cultural distinctions of the two sample societies.

In this study، we attempt to develop a linguistic atlas for Gilan province، Iran، and answer three major research questions: (1) what phonological processes occur in Gilan and in Gilaki dialect? (2) Does the traditional demarcation of Gilaki into Bie Pas in western areas and Bie Pish in Eastern parts of the province have a phonological base? (3) Are the phonological processes that occur in central cities of the province different from those that occur in the non-central areas? To answer the questions، first one hundred words from different lexical categories، i. e. nouns، verbs، adjectives، pronouns، etc. were selected and native speakers’ pronunciations were recorded by a voice recorder and interviews were conducted The findings indicate that throughout Gilan، eighteen phonological processes occur from which centralization، raising، elision، and spirantization are the most frequent processes respectively. With respect to the second question، it was revealed that there is a correlation between phonological variation and the geographical area، giving weight to the traditional boundary so-called Bie Pas and Pie Pish. Likewise، it was shown that the frequency of phonological processes in non-central areas، especially in Rudsar، is much higher than those in the central areas.

The bilingual is able to apply two Language equally or inequally in speaking، Writing…. In general، two possible result of bilingualism is; maintainess of two Language and choice of the other Language. Domain analysis of Language with Language attitudes are the principles determinant of people Language selection. Domain analysis is a tool for determining the quantity of Language choice while Language attitudes indicates the reasons or causes of Language selection in a situation or circumstance. The results of this study showed that Ferend Domain has the highest gilaki Language use (%14)، and the Family Domain (%12)، Neighbor (%6) Education (%4) and Government (%3)، respectively has Language uses. Overally، Language use was % 5 in Gilaki Language% 83 in Persian Language، %12 in both Language. In each Domains، there is not significant statistical differences among stand of Education and there is significant statistical differences among genders.

Spectral analysis of the vowels of Gilaki of Rasht is the purpose of this study. In this study, the acoustic features of these vowels including first formant, second formant and third formant are measured. Audio recordings are taken from ten men producing six vowels /i, e, , , o, u/ in monosyllabic words. Then these recordings are analyzed by Praat. Analysis of formant values showed that the sequence of F1 is as /i< u < o < e <  < / which is inversely related to vowel height, the sequence of F2 is as /u < o <  <  < e <i/and is in direct relation with the backness feature of vowels, and the sequence of F3 is as /o < u <  < e <  <i/ which is partially proportional to the degree of lip rounding.

This paper is an attempt to present the most important achievements of a field study on Gilaki language, based on dialect of Fumanat. To present a well-documented study, one is required to provide the related evidence and documentation. Such an attempt however, due will be beyond the scope of this paper to versatility of the subject. Thus attempts will be made to only present a summary of the survey and the main points achieved. Evidence and documentation will be of course found in the main paper, referred to as foot-notes.