جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "mora" در نشریات گروه "ادبیات و زبان ها"

This paper examines relation betweensyllable structure of derivational suffixes and the weight of the base it is added to, in Persian tri-syllabic words, within a Moraic-theoretic account. The weight pattern of a word is the weight of its syllables and it is defined based on the distinction between heavy and light syllables (Carr, 2008:172). Here, the notion of mora (often symbolized μ) as a basic timing unit, is important because it provides a distinction between 'light' and 'heavy' syllable. As Hayes (1989: 356) mentions, heavy syllables are of more moras compared to light syllables. In order to study and compare the weight pattern of derivational suffixes, 6665 tri-syllabic derivative words were collected from two dictionaries Dehkhoda (2003) and Moshiri (2009). Then, they were sorted in an Excel worksheet with all their etymological and phonological information including the weight of syllables (light, heavy, super-heavy, and ultra-heavy). Studies show that there are two groups of suffixes in tri-syllabic derivatives: suffixes beginning with a consonant in the onset; suffixes with no onset, beginning with a vowel. The latter, make about 77 percent of the data, among which /-i/ as a long vowel is so frequent and productive and can be added to all bases of one mora (mono-moraic), two moras (bi-moraic), three moras (tri-moraic), and even four moras (tetra-moraic). The weight patterns of these suffixes show that they mostly tend toward tri-moraic bases. On the other hand, suffixes with a consonant in the onset are less productive and tend toward bi-moraic bases.

This paper examines weight patterns in tri-syllabic words within a Moraic-theoretic account. A word weight pattern is weight of syllables and is defined based on distinction between heavy and light syllables (Carr, 2008:172); Here, the notion of mora (symbolized μ) as a basic timing unit provides a distinction between 'light' and 'heavy' syllables. Hayes (1989:356) mentions that heavy syllables have more moras compared to light ones. Also, there are some weight alternations in the syllabic patterns of Persian tri-syllabic words; that is, in an alternative weight pattern, syllables are distributed so that weight is alternately high and low. In order to study and compare weight patterns of simple, derivative and compound words, about 32 thousand tri-syllabic words were collected from Dehkhoda (2003) and Moshiri (2009) dictionaries. Then, they were sorted in an Excel worksheet with all phonological information, including weight of syllables (light, heavy, super-heavy, and ultra-heavy). Also, alternative and non-alternative weight patterns were specified. Results indicate that there happen 49 weight patterns in tri-syllabic words and syllables of one mora (mono-moraic), two moras (bi-moraic), three moras (tri-moraic), and even four moras (tetra-moraic) are probable. However, the sequence of mono-moraic and bi-moraic syllables is the most frequent and tri-moraic and tetra-moraic syllables, especially adjacent ones, are less frequent. This indicates that tri-syllabic words tend towards short syllables. Moreover, the non-alternative quasi-monotonic weight patterns are the most frequent ones. Likewise, simple words ideally tend to sequences of mono-moraic and bi-moraic syllables and tetra-moraic ones are loanwords; the derivatives are heavier than the simple and lighter than the compounds. 

Regarding rhythmic typology, earlier studies have taken for granted the isochrony of interstress intervals and syllables in stress-timed and syllable-timed languages, respectively. However, some later studies have questioned the concept of isochrony and claimed that the rhythm type of each language results from the characteristics of its phonological system, not its temporal organization. So, while classifying the rhythmic type of languages according to the durational measurements, it is necessary to consider the phonological properties that lead to the formation of that rhythm type. As a piece of evidence, although the Kermani variety of Persian has been recognized as stress-timed according to the nPVI calculations, lexical stress has no significant role in the respective phonological system. In other words, it is the application of the weight-based vowel reduction which changes the nucleus of the monomoraic syllables to schwa, the property which yields a higher contrast between the duration of this short vowel and the other longer ones. Moreover, this process can ultimately delete the nucleus of these monomoraic syllables, which results in onset consonant clusters in this variety. Consequently, although various patterns of vowel duration along with complex consonant clusters are the characteristic features of stress-timed languages, in the Kermani variety these features cannot be pertained to this rhythmic type and lexical stress.

In this paper phonological processes in pausal position of Qura’n are investigated in parallel optimality theory. Short vowels are deleted, disregarding their morphological and syntactical roles, such as indefinite morpheme /n/, nominal /u/ and genitive /i/ cases. The low vowel /a/ representing accusative case resists to deletion due to high sonority and is lengthened and extended to the emptied adjacent mora. However, accusative case vowel is deleted in feminine nominatives, which is justified by the constraint that bans every type of suffixes after feminine one and is high ranked. In addition to deletion of indefinite and case morphemes, feminine suffix /t/ is debucalized and altered to [h] in female nominatives. According to this research, ranking of constraints prevents the appearance of light syllables in pausal position and deletion and lengthening processes happen to substitute heavy or superheavy syllables for light ones. ranking of constraints prevents the appearance of light syllables in pausal position and deletion and lengthening processes happen to substitute heavy or superheavy syllables for light ones.

This paper addresses the pronunciation of the Quranic words in the location of pause, or vaqf. Data descriptive generalization shows that the indefinite morpheme and short high vowels /u/ and /i/, respectively for nominative and genitive cases, delete in the pause location. This results in forming a heavy or ultra-heavy syllable in the pause location via adhesion of mora of omitted syllable onset to the final syllable. For pronunciation of the indefinite masculine words in accusative case, deletion of the indefinite morpheme is compensated by lengthening the low vowel /a/ through spreading the floating mora to the low vowel slot. The reason behind resistance of the low vowel to delete could be its high degree of sonority. For pronunciation of the feminine words, indefinite and case morphemes delete, and then /t/ converts into [h] through omission of the supra-laryngeal features and staying laryngeal node. The main aim of this paper is to formalize the phonological pattern of the Quranic words in the location of Vaqf. Research methodology is of descriptive and explanatory type. Accordingly the Quranic phonological rules prohibits to license presence of the light syllable in the pause location, while to license heavy and ultra-heavy syllables via deletion and compensatory lengthening processes in the pause location.