جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « گفتمان سیاسی » در نشریات گروه « ادبیات و زبان ها »

Today, due to the expansion of relations between countries, the importance of the Middle East region in the international arena, Iran's border with some Arab countries, and the establishment of friendly relations and dialogue with them, simultaneous translation from Arabic to Persian and vice versa is of special importance. Accordingly, in addition to mastering various political, economic, military, etc. fields the simultaneous Arabic translator must also have sufficient specialized skills in the field of simultaneous translation because inadvertent or intentional mistakes during simultaneous translation may cause differences between governments and even nations. In this regard, this paper intends to use the descriptive-analytical method to examine the challenges of simultaneous translation of Arabic to Persian political texts. In order to achieve this goal, the simultaneous translation of Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah's Arabic speech was explored in terms of simultaneous translation challenges. Some findings showed that most of the simultaneous translation challenges are related to linguistic (syntactic, semantic, and phonetic) challenges. These include: finding equivalents of words, reducing the words and sentences of the source language, increasing the words and sentences of the source language, borrowing words and syntax from the source language, and lack of familiarity with Arabic dialects. In the section on multilingual challenges, issues such as lack of knowledge of the topics of the meeting, the speed of the speaker’s sentences, not hearing the speaker correctly and completely, and low self-confidence and concentration can be mentioned as the challenges of this section.

The use of metaphor as a linguistic strategy has long been considered by politicians around the world. The main purpose of the present study is to investigate the function of conceptual metaphor from the perspective of Lakoff and Johnson (1980) in the speeches of three members of the Government of prudence and hope: Mr. Rouhani, Jahangiri and Zarif. The main issue of the research is to show how conceptual metaphors are expressed in the words of these political authorities and how their function in organizing political realities can be explained. For this purpose, we have collected the data in a library research method and examined it analytically. The results indicate that political metaphors are used in different source domains: route, personification (humans, animals and plants), war, sports, buildings and natural phenomena, among which, the route is the most And the natural phenomena has had the least use. The results show that metaphor has an important rhetorical and persuasive usage in political discourse and plays an important role in conveying the political messages of prudence and hope government’s members. What is clear is that metaphor, in addition to facilitating the analysis of political issues for the audience, has given these politicians the opportunity to more easily explain their issues in order to arouse the audience's emotions. With the help of  metaphor, they try to highlight or hide some aspects of political discourse so that they can persuade the audience to apply their beliefs. It should be said that conceptual metaphors with different appearances have been manifested in line with the purposes of the government of Prudence and Hope discourse, called Moderation discourse. Thus, metaphors can be used by journalists, political analysts, and political discourse researchers as an effective and powerful tool to analyze the messages of political officials and facilitate the decoding of their words. Therefore, the results of this study can be useful for this group of experts and ultimately to measure the political pulse of the country.

The significance of the present study is that it emphasizes the decisive role of linguistic, pragmatic and cognitive parameters in the occurrence of di- and/or con-vergence in translation. The present study aims at evaluating discursive representations of ‘Other’ in institutional translations of political discourses. This paper strives to probe into the underlying factors and incentives in the rise of di- and/or con-vergence in the source and target texts as construing the ‘Others’ and their emerging threats. Employing Proximisation Theory, we embarked upon analyzing 20 instances of the Iranian Supreme Leader’s speeches in which he characterizes the ‘Other’ and construes their threats against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Our analyses of data indicated that the institutional translations of the original speeches enjoy maximum con-vergence with the source texts even though there was only meager di-vergence between source and target texts in modal and aspectual structures. However, the reported instances of di-vergence brought about less significant semantic and conceptual differences in construing the threats. Furthermore, regarding the underpinning factors and incentives for the emergence of di- and/or con-vergence, we argued that there was a strong dialectic relationship between linguistic and extra-linguistic factors, such as the subject position of the text producer, the translating institution and objectives of translating, providing a base ground for the translator to follow divergence or convergence.

A general overview of the fictional literature after the Islamic Revolution reflects the transformation and formation of a new discourse in the field of critique and creation of literary work. Given that this literature, as a result of the tension between the two political and intellectual discourses, it has its own discourse order. The subject of this paper is the analysis of the tension formed between the dominant political discourse and the intellectual discourse in the field of literary criticism for determining the components of the historical political literature in the period of the Islamic Revolution in the form of the story of the Islamic Revolution and the story of war / Holy Defense based on discourse analysis theory from the perspective of Laclau and Mouffe. Because the analysis of discursive antagonism can explain why and how the path of the fiction literature after the Islamic Revolution is interpreted to achieve the present form, readings of criticisms suggest that in general, the nodal point of war and the Islamic revolution in the intellectual discourse as form and literacy of literature, but in political discourse it is considered as the content and ideological burden of literature. The different articulation of the two discourses is based on the identity of the literature formed after the Islamic Revolution and the war, in the form of floating signifiers such as literary type, character, plot, idea, story time, place of occurrence, and eventually the work of the story can be checked. Also, in light of the acuteness and severity of literature related to intellectual discourse in determining the components of the fiction effect and their application to marginalization of the Holy Defense literature discourse, the literature related to political discourse also has turned to theorize the Holy Defense fiction basics and revise the existing criteria Literary criticism and the introduction of new criteria for the fiction effect.

Sadegh Hedayat wrote The Pilgrim (1945) based on and shortly after the historical and political events of the final years of Reza Shah’s government and early years of Mohammad Reza Shah’s rule. The article adopts the method of critical discourse analysis, as formulated by Ruth Wodak, James Paul Gee, and Norman Fairclough, to study the novel and analyze its author’s views on the political discourses of the aforementioned period in order to determine which political discourse or discourses influenced the novel. It is possible to consider the novel politically as a meta-discursive, non-discursive or non-ideological work in which political discourses, such as kingdom, nationalism, fascism, modernism, Westernization, secularism, traditionalism and religiosity, leftism (Marxism and communism), liberalism, democracy, and constitutionalism are criticized by the author. Political ideologies are utilized to secure the interests of their advocates and propagandists. Hedayat experienced many historical and political changes from the Constitutional Revolution to the period of Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah and saw the instability politicians, rulers, and profiteers. He mixed up these events with a furious satire and created a political novel. We cannot fully comprehend the novel without having knowledge of the political events and currents of the writer’s period and his political tendencies.

Today the UN general assembly plays the role of a tribune to achieve general diplomatic goals, and the leaders of nations take full advantages of this opportunity to communicate with the international media and to negotiate with the officials of other countries. The present research attempts to analyze President Rouhani’s speech at the UN General Assembly in 2017 based on James Paul Gee’s (2014, 2018) discourse analysis approach. The results show that Rouhani has focused on eight central issues in his discourse: (1) Democracy and human rights; (2) Moderation; (3) Cultural and religious diversity; (4) Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and response to violation of it; (5) Interaction and negotiation; (6) Iran missile power; (7) Terrorism support by USA; and (8) Iran economical capacity. The main reason to foreground these issues is the current debates in the world and intertextuality with president Trump’s UN speech. These findings also reveal that the most prominent identities in Rouhani’s speech are Iran and Iranian nation and the most important connection is between peace and security on one hand and development and progress of nations on the other. Also, the legal system can be considered as the dominant sign system and knowledge in Rouhani’s speech.

In contemporary fiction, a new trend in story writing emerged after revolution. Its agenda was to record the religious values as human virtues. This research aims at investigating the ups and downs and changes in this trend while the diversity and multiplicity of the writers and the works have also been considered. In this research, 15 stories of three different time periods including Islamic revolution, reconstruction and reforms have been chosen and analyzed in a targeted way to illustrate all the aspects of Iranian writers’ efforts in writing religious novels. In doing so, in order to analyze the texts and explain their relation to historical, social and political contexts, methods introduced in discourse analysis have been used with a focus on narrative components. An overview of novels in these three decades shows the general trends related to the main political and social discourses. In 1980’s, some first time novelists mostly consisted of sensational revolutionary young writers published their novels. Revolution, war and the related values were the main themes in these writers’ works, and in most of their works, religious insights have been affected by the dominant political discourse. In the second period, religious novels targeted more diverse themes and audiences, and tried to communicate their insights in a more diverse and novel ways. In the third period, the writers paid more serious attention to the artistic form for reflecting the themes which match the writers’ worldviews and approaches.

Grammatical metaphor is one of the major issues in systemic functional grammar which has received much more attention recently. The main question of this research is: What are the functions of grammatical metaphors, such as nominalization and modality, in political discourse, and why do media use grammatical metaphors in texts? The main objective of this research is to study the role of grammatical metaphor in political discourse based on systemic functional grammar. In this research, the basic functions of grammatical metaphors, namely nominalization and modality, in political discourse are investigated. The needed data are extracted from Resalat and Shargh newspapers; the frequencies of nominalization in two newspapers are 408 and 304, respectively. The frequencies of modality in Resalat and Shargh newspapers are 30 and 32, respectively. The results of research indicate that main functions of nominalization metaphor are foregrounding of positive self-representation, foregrounding of negative other representation, hiding ideologies and suppression of message, creating cohesion and coherence, changing the distribution of theme and rheme, changing the distribution of old and new information. Moreover, the results indicate that the main functions of grammatical metaphor of modality in political discourse are concretizing of ideologies, expressing attitudes of writer, indicating the degree of certainty of proposition occurrence, and foregrounding ideologies.

Hedging is a rhetorical strategy which speaker employs for lack of a full commitment either to the full category membership of a term or expression (content mitigation), or to the intended illocutionary force of the utterance (force mitigation). Hedging must be considered as an intentional action. The speaker chooses a linguistic device over the propositional content of the message which will affect the interpretation of the utterance; either modifies the content of the utterance or its force. Although hedges have no certain lexical meaning; they have powerful functional and pragmatic meaning. This research has been done by means of descriptive-analytical method with purpose of definition, introducing of applications of hedges based on Fraser(2009), and finally a case study of hedges in political discourse of press conferences of president Ahmadinejad within the framework of critical discourse analysis. The results show that the president (Ahmadinejad) has used hedging as a political language strategy to express vagueness and evasion which are one of the skillfully policies in political speech. He applied passive voice and impersonal pronouns more than other kinds of hedges.

The speech act of promise can be accompanied by two other speech acts: encouragement and pledge. Since, in this speech act, we have the concept of volunteer promise, and the speaker willingly makes a commitment to his/her addressee, according to George Austin's typology of speech acts, this speech act is considered to be an instance of commissive speech acts. Moreover, since the main features of performative verbs, i.e. “I, you, here and now”, are present in promises, promise is also regarded as a performative act. In political promises, given the objectives of the discourse as well as the personal traits of the speaker, Grice's maxims – quality, quantity, relevance and manner – may be violated. In a political promise, there may be as much brevity as there is repetition. Most of political promises serve merely as advertising goals and are not intended to be fulfilled. The maxim of relevance is generally heeded in political promises and the violation of this maxim before elections is fairly rare. Political activists usually make use of efficient and influential manner of speech in their election campaigns.