جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « clitic » در نشریات گروه « ادبیات و زبان ها »

The purpose of this study is describe and analyze the clitics of past verb phrase based on Optimality Theory in the Se-Qal’a dialect. Se-Qal’a dialect is one of the ancient dialects of Persian language located in Sarayan city of South Khorasan. The method used in this research is descriptive and analytical. For this purpose, 10 male, elderly and illiterate speakers were randomly selected and linguistic data were collected by using speech recordings. Then, the collected data were extracted from recorded sentences and transcribed based on international phonetic alphabet system, and the types of past tense verbs in this dialect were classified, described and their clitics were determined. After that, the constraints used in the linguistic structure were extracted based on the constraints proposed by Anderson (1994) to determine the clitics. Finally, the extracted constraints were analyzed in special tables of Optimality Theory. Based on the analysis, it can be concluded that in all types of past verbs, except for the subjunctive past verb, the Leftmost(cli) constraint is unrivaled, although in the compound past tense, the ranking of the constraints is different with simple past. In the past participle, in order to determine the optimal position of the clitic, the NonInitial(cli) constraint has the highest rank and its violation is fatal. Therefore, the competition between the constraints in this dialect shows that the clitics for selecting the host in past participle use all three positions, which shows the flexibility of this dialect in determining clitics in past tense verbs.

Clitics in Kondazini DialectAbstractThe article aims to determine and investigate the clitics of Kondazini dialect. Kondazi is a mountainous village in the subdistrict of Abarj in the western north of Marvdasht city. Kondazi dialect is actually a survived dialect of Sassanid Pahlavi/ Middle Persian and belongs to the southwestern branch of New Iranian Languages. There are some similarities between Kondazi dialect and Emamzadeh-esmaeili, Dashtaki, Khollari, Qalati, Ardakani, Davani, Dashti and the dialects of Larestani language, Kohmare regions and some other dialects which have ergative structure. This study was done through a descriptive analytic method based on a corpus of data of various sentences and a pattern of Shghaghi (1995) adopted from Zwicky and Pullum (1983). According to the pattern, first seven tests have been applied to examine and classify the dependent morphemes which have been used in Kondazini dialect. The data was collected by recording the free speech, conversations, interviews and asking sentences in different tenses and structures from 16 males and 4 females of elders, middle aged illiterate and literate of native speakers. The results of this research show that the clitics of Kondazini dialect include: pronominal clitics, enclitic verbs, object marker =o, complement marker =e, conjunction =o, contracted form of adverb =am (also/too), definite marker =o, indefinite marker =i, Ezafe marker =e and emphasis marker =â. The conclusions of this research can shed light on Iranian studies, typology of Iranian languages and ethnology.

The word "clitic" refers to the dependent unit, that depends phonologically on another word or phrase, which is the interface between bound and free morphemes, exists in all languages ​​of the world, and can be divided into types of proclitic, enclitic and endoclitic. In this article, the types of clitic in Persian and Russian languages ​​have been studied and compared with each other, and the similarities and differences between them have been expressed based on the analytical-descriptive method. According to the findings of Iranian linguists, nine enclitics and one proclitic are recognizable in Persian and there is no endoclitic in this language, but in addition to the existence of several endoclitics in Russian, the number of enclitics and proclitics in this language is more than their number in Persian. Many prepositions in Russian are proclitics, but none of the Persian prepositions are proclitics. The reason for this is the different types of stress in these two languages, because prepositions and conjunctions in Persian have stress, but many prepositions, especially monosyllabic prepositions, in Russian do not have stress or their stress depend on the nearby word and are considered a proclitic.

The purpose of the present article was to describe and study the agreement system typologically in Ayaski dialect based on Comrie's pentagonal system (1978). This language variety is one of the subgroups of the Tuni dialect, which is spoken in the north of South Khorasan province, and belongs to the southern western branch of Iranian languages. The data of the current research has been collected by field method such as observation and interview with Ayaski speakers. All collected sentences were obtained with the participation of at least ten Ayaski speakers aged between 34 and 71. The analysis of available data showed that the agreement system in this dialect is split, and is sensitive to aspect, time and person. In sentences with present tense, both with intransitive and transitive verbs, the agreement system was from a nominative-accusative type. This agreement did not depend on the intransitive or transitive verb, so the agreement system in the present tense was not sensitive to the transitivity of the verb. In sentences with past tense, both with intransitive and transitive verbs, the agreement system was from an oblique-accusative type. In the nominative-accusative system, the subject in half of the cases was formed as an agreement inflectional suffix in the verb. In the oblique-accusative system, agreement were also manifested by oblique clitics, and were of neutral type.

In this paper, the description of word order typological parameters has been provided based on the 24 correlation pairs of Dryer (1992) and in line with the Typology of Iranian Languages (Dabir-Moghaddam, 1392). This variant belongs to South-Western Iranian languages. This language is spoken in the village [xɑnik], locally called [xunek]. The village [xɑnik] is located 25 kilometers from Gonabad on the border of Razavi and South Khorasan provincesand it is one of the many Khaniks in the Southern Khorasan and it is surrounded by mountains. Khanik is inside a valley. It is settled in a valley all surrounded by a mountainous area called [siyæh koh] which means Black Mountain. The Black Mountains has been intersected by this valley. Numerous small valleys end up in this valley and every each of these valleys has one to five springs of water. In total, there are almost 38 springs of water in this valley. According to Health Ministry of Gonabad, it has the population of 196 people, mainly old people. Rate of birth is zero. There are only 4 students. The youngest person is 7 and the oldest man and woman are 94 and 95 respectively. Consequently, it is an endangered language.
Methodology, literature and the

The data in this study has been collected through recording the voice of old and illiterate people in the village. Then the audio data was segmented and morphemic and interlinear glosses were provided with all the examples. And finally the description and explanation of the data were provided in the adapted theoretical framework. The description of word order typological parameters has been provided based on the 24 correlation pairs of Dryer (1992) mentioned in his article Greenbergian word order correlations. In order to provide an explanation for the existence of the pairs of X and Y on the level of NPs and Clauses and their correlations with OV and VO types, Dryer (1992) introduces HDT and HTC theories. However, he finally provides the Branching Direction Theory (BDT) as an alternative to these theories. According to BDT verb patterners are phrasal (branching) categories. That is, a pair of elements X and Y will employ the order XY significantly more often among VO languages than among OV languages if and only if X is a nonphrasal category and Y is a phrasal category (Dryer, 1992: 109).

The 24 parameters of word order mentioned in Dryer (1992) and his Branching Direction Theory (BDT) and their correlations with the occurrence of object and verb in Khaniki language has been analyzed intensively in this part and the result is as follows.  Khaniki is a strong verb-final and verb-initial language in the World genera and EURASIAN language genera in parameters 10, 11, 16, 17, 23.In the parameters 4, 5, 12, 18 in the World genera and EURASIAN genera, Khaniki has all the 4 possibilities.In the parameters 6, 7, 22 in the World and EURASIAN genera, Khaniki is a weak verb-initial language but a strong verb-final.In the parameters 1, 3, 8, 13, 14, 20, 21, 24 in the World and EURASIAN genera, Khaniki is a strong verb-initial language but a weak verb-final.In the parameters 2, 9, 15, 19 Khaniki does not behave as a uniform language in regard to typological parameters in the two types of verb-final and verb-initial languages in both genera. For example, in parameter 2, it is a weak verb-initial and verb-final in EURASIAN genera but a strong verb-initial and verb-final in the World genera. In parameter 9, it is a strong verb-initial and weak verb-final in EURASIAN genera but a strong verb-initial and verb-final in the World genera. In parameter 15, it is a weak verb-initial and verb-final in EURASIAN genera but a weak verb-initial and strong verb-final in the World genera.Not regarding the common typological parameters in the two types of verb-final and verb-initial languages in group (a) and (b), the statistical difference in group (c) with 8 strong verb initial parameters and in group (d) with 3 strong verb-final parameters is 5 in the World and EURASIAN genera. On the other hand, with regard to group (e), it can be said that in total, Khaniki in 5 parameters in EURASIAN genera and 4 parameters in the World genera has a tendency toward verb-initial languages. In comparison to other Iranian languages such as Shahmirzadi, Tati and Taleshi, Khaniki is a left-branching or first-head language in parameters 1, 3, 9 and therefore this language is in line with many Iranian languages in this regard including modern Persian. Khaniki is different from modern Persian in terms of word order typology just in parameter 5. Khaniki just like modern Persian uses an auxiliary verb to show the future tense.

Khaniki language is spoken in the village [xɑnik], locally called [xunek]. This variant (of language) belongs to South-Western Iranian languages. This language, as well as many other Iranian languages, is an endangered language. The audio data of this study was segmented and morphemic and interlinear glosses were provided with all the examples. After analyzing the data, in order to determine the typological parameters of Khaniki language in regard to word order typology in the adopted theoretical framework, based on the 24 correlation pairs of Dryer (1992), we came up with two tables. One of the tables shows the situation of Khaniki language compared to the World language genera and the other table reveals the position of this language compared to EURASIAN language genera. The data shows that Khaniki has 12 parameters of strong verb-final languages and 18 parameters of strong verb-initial languages in comparison to EURASIAN groups of languages (genera). This language also has 15 parameters of strong verb-final languages and 20 parameters of strong verb-initial languages in comparison to the world language genera. This language just like many other Iranian languages is a mixed-type language and it reinforces the fact that mixed-type can be a separate type itself.

The present contribution bears an attempt to take a novel synchronic perspective on clitics in Persian namely canonical clitic. Introduced by Spencer & Lewis (2013) and being a sub branch of canonical typology approach, canonical clitic viewpoint looks for canonical instances of single grammatical categories which are the best, the clearest and the indisputable ones rendering spectacular typological definitions. In this paper, and analyzing 10 clitics, we endeavord to discover whether clitic system is canonical in Persian or the clitics are far from canonicity in some degrees. The data analysis revealed that among 70 points for the fully canonical system, Persian gained 64 which portrayed %9.1428 deviation from the canon, illustrayting that clitic system in Persian is so close to the canonicity of clitic systems world wide.

To consider significant variation of dialects of Gilaki Language and different approaches on the classification of clitics and different usage of this element in the Iranian dialects and languages, writer purposes to determine variation of clitics in Gilaki language, various features of clitics and their position in this language. There are two questions here: 1-how is typological verity of clitic and its feature in Gilaki language? 2- where is the position of clitic in the sentences of this language? it seems that there is same varity of clitic in three dialect divisions of Gilaki and clitic occupy second position into the sentences of this language. linguistic data of Gilaki has been investigated on the basis of a questionnaire of Max Plank written on typological investigations of clitics on which It has been analyzed in 5 separable parts including general features of the language, categories, specific features, place of clitics in the phrases and its movement. Collected data from three branches including west, east and Galeshi has been analyzed on basis of descriptive- analytical- comparative method. The results will express that there is sameness of clitics among three mentioned branches of Gilaki. Generally we can observe pronoun pre-clitics connected to objective symbol, Objective symbol post-clitics /ǝ/, emphasis clitics and post- clitics of the symbol of conjunction /O/ in Gilaki language.There aren’t Post-clitics of personal pronouns connected to nouns, verbs, adverb and adjectives in this language. It isnchr('39')t possible to move clitics to the prior position. Indeed considering the investigations, Wackernagel’s law about second position is verifiable for Gilaki language.

The article has been written according to a typological survey on clitic as a linguistic particle in Taleshi and Tati language which is one of the northwest and Caspian Seaboard languages. To consider that both Taleshi and Tati are from the same language family and different classification of clitics among Iranian dialects and languages, the writer purposes to determine the variation of clitics and their position in these two languages. Into the research, linguistic data of Taleshi and Tati has been investigated based on a questionnaire of clitics on the Max Plank website. It has been arranged on typological investigations of clitics on which has been analyzed in 5 separable parts including general features of the language, categories, specific features, place of clitics in the phrases, and its movement. The data collected from the central regions of Talesh City and Takistan province has been analyzed on basis of the descriptive-analytical- comparative method. The results will express that there is a sameness on general features and differences in variation and categories of clitics between these two languages. Also, some specific features of clitics such as stress, ordering, gap, and functions in the sentences are the same between both of these languages. Moreover, the position of clitics and their movements are the same in Taleshi and Tati and Wackernagel’s law about the second position is verifiable for these languages.

Stress assignment in Kurdish is generally considered to be very simple and systematic. All the derivational affixes and most inflectional suffixes have affected the stress position and attract the lexical stress. Exceptional cases are some of the inflectional affixes and clitics that are called Prosodic Word Adjoiners (PWA). PWA and their hosts combine as host + clitic constituent to create Clitic Group (CG). This paper proposes a unified analysis of CG in Kurdish as one of the constituents in Prosodic Phonology that divide the representation of speech into hierarchically arranged units. Phonological Processes analyzed to confirm CG are Stress Assignment Pattern, Vowel Deletion (VD), Consonant Insertion (CI) and Glide Weakening (GW). VD is applied in phonological word level, while CI is limited to Clitic Group. GW is applied in both phonological word and Clitic Group level, but it is banned in phonological phrase level.

Phase Theory has been proposed as the latest achievement of the minimalist program to optimize syntactic computation of language.The purpose of this paper is to study and analyze of Ardalani Kurdish data and to what extent phase theory is useful in explaning the clitic hosts in Ardalani Kurdish. we showed that the explanation of clitic agreement in Ardalani would follow the principle of phase impenetrability condition . Data collection was based on field methods, library and the use of researcher language intuition. We also showed through a descriptive –analytical method based on theoretical framework of Citko (2014), the derivation of the phase of transitive single object phrases in Ardalani. The clitic hosts are limited to the complement of VP core in the first phase. Therefore, the elements that are in this range can be a good host for the matching word closure. Therefore the direct object and the non-passive component of the compound verb would be the best choice for the clitic. The clitic can also choose object-dependent adjectives and adverbs as hosts, provided that these elements are limited to the first phase. In this case, the clitic systematically selects these elements as the host. We also, by examining of the construction of adverbs, showed that there is restriction on the selection of adverbs and they are locally restricted. Whenever they are in the complement of the first phase, clitic will select them, but when they are outside the first phase, they can not be selected as hosts, and if selected, the sentence will be crashed. Finally, we concluded that phase theory is capable of explaining the clitic hosts in Ardalani

The present study aimed at investigating clitic doubling in Kalhori Kurdish. The implications of clitic doubling for Kurdish syntax were also investigated. In other words, it was attempted to find whether clitic doubling is a common feature of this language variety or it leads to some syntactic operations including (left or right) dislocation of NP arguments. Another implication of this study is to shed light on the distinction made between (inflectional) affix and clitic. The present study was a descriptive- analytic one in which many arguments were presented to deal with the nature of the relationship between clitic doubling and syntactic structure in Kalhori Kurdish. Theoretically, the present study was mainly based on the Spenser and Luis (2012). Observation, interview and field work were employed to collect the required data. The results indicated that clitic doubling is not a preferred process in Kalhori Kurdish. Instead, Kurdish speakers prefer to dislocate (to right or left) the relevant NP in the sentence to prevent both clitic and its related NP simultaneously.

Nichols's (1986) typological parameterization of languages as head versus dependent marking opened a horizon in language typology and linguistic research. Dependent-marking languages are those which morphologically encode dependency between verb and its argument(s) by grammatical markings on the latter. In head-marking languages, on the other hand, the dependency is displayed via bound forms hosted by the verb. This parameterization is not categorical however, as some languages utilize both strategies to encode grammatical relations, which is referred to as double marking or locus. Persian exhibits head- and dependent-marking features at the clause level, situating itself then within the category of double-marking languages. In close connection with this, Persian allows the possibility of co-occurrence between a ra-marked direct object and a cross-referencing bound form, which is tentatively called clitic doubling. The study sought to argue that the co-occurrence of a ra-marked object and a co-referential clitic can be representative of two information-structurally distinct structures. One is referred to as clitic doubled-object construction and the other as left-dislocated object construction. Diachronically, it is assumed that the latter sets the stage for the appearance of the former, and the two constructions co-exist in modern Persian.

Theoretical Framework

Object clitics optionally appear on transitive verbs in Persian. This resurrects the classical controversy concerning the agreement versus argument status of bound forms on a par with their controlling reference phrases. Haspelmath (2013) presented four dominant views in the literature with reference to this issue: the virtual agreement view, the bound-argument view, the dual nature view, and the double-expression view. Under the virtual-agreement view, bound forms are uniformly considered purely as agreement markers even if their controllers are absent. This is normally taken in generative approaches under the rubric of “pro-drop” or “null subject”. Under the bound-argument view, bound forms are treated in any event as true arguments; no matter their controllers are present, in which case they hold an appositive/adjunct status to the verb. The presence or absence of controllers are the key solution to the agreement or argument status of bound forms in the dual-nature view. Eventually, the dual-expression view allows an argument to be expressed twice. In line with Haspelmath (2013), we regard bound forms to perform as pro-indexes, cross-indexes or gramm-indexes. Pro-indexing is defined in terms of the complementary distribution of bound forms with their corresponding RPs, such that they never occur within the same clause. This implies that a bound form can co-occur with its controlling RP within the same sentence, in which case the RP is a dislocated topic. Bound forms and their optional controlling reference phrases are authorized to be in the same clause under a cross-indexing view, leading to the consideration of reference phrases as co-nominals. Gramm-indexing is akin to what Siewierska (1999) terms as grammatical agreement, where the obligatory presence of a co-nominal to bind a gramm-index within the same clause is vital (e.g. -s in English).

This study is a theory-based investigation that tackles the role of information structure in the formation of the clitic doubled-object and left-dislocated object construction. Hence, some random sentences and question-answer pairs are presented from colloquial Persian in order to fathom out how the topic-focus articulation of an utterance characterizes the information structure in the given constructions.

It becomes clear that first, clitic doubling terminologically is a misnomer and can be representative of two distinct grammatical constructions, following Haspelmath's nomenclature. The pro-indexing construction is identified when the controlling reference phrase is outside the boundary of the clause, either within the same sentence or in the preceding discourse. The cross-indexing construction is recognizable when the controlling reference phrase/co-nominal and the clitic, indexing its feature bundles, are allowed to occur in the same clause. Second, the pro-indexing construction is topicality-motivated in the sense that, the controlling reference phrase needs to be a topic of the sentence/discourse. We maintain that pro-indexing is incompatible with the trifold focus taxonomy in Lambrecht (1994) and occurs only when the object referent constitutes part of the pragmatic presupposition. In contrast, the cross-indexing is a focus-driven operation and can be accounted for in the light of laying extra-emphasis an object with referential properties. Third, we argue that the cross-indexing construction historically evolves from the pro-indexing construction in the following fashion: a) The object referent as a dislocated nominal separate via hanging-topic constructions from the clause by an intonational pause whilst being pro-indexed by a co-referential clitic inside it; b) -Ra starts appearing on the dislocated object by analogy of its use with oblique and possessor roles, dating back to Middle Persian (Hopper & Traugott, 2003); c) The intonational pause disappears and the dislocated object incorporates into the clause, leading to the emergence of the cross-indexing construction. This explains why the pro-indexing and the cross-indexing constructions co-exist in modern Persian from a synchronic perspective.

We conclude that first, the simultaneity of the pro-indexing and cross-indexing construction confirms the reanalysis of the Persian -ra as an object marker. -Ra as a topic marker appeared initially on dislocated objects in the pro-indexing formats, which concomitantly paved the way for its companionship with clause-internal objects in cross-indexing formats. This is by no means new and cross-linguistically attested. Second, the birth of the cross-indexing construction out of the pro-indexing construction lends further credence to the emphatic nature of the former on the grounds that, the presence of a controlling reference phrase and its corresponding cross-index in the same clause is viewed as providing additional information helping to identify the referent in case the indications given by the cross-index and by the context are not sufficient (Siewierska, 1999; Creissel, 2001). Third, the co-existence of the pro-indexing and cross-indexing mediates the two opposing views in the literature. Some researchers favor object doubling (Rasekh Mahand, 2006) and some, on the contrary, defy it and support the view that those sentences which seem to contain instances of object doubling indeed represent what can be conveniently taken as object dislocation (Ghomeshi, 1997).

The aim of the present study is an attempt to determine and describe the clitics of Taleqani dialect based on Zwicky and Pullums tests (1983). Zwicky and Pullum provide several criteria for distinguishing the word from the clitic. These criteria indicate that clitics, compared to words, exhibit characteristics similar to fixes (mostly inflectional fixes). The research was descriptive-analytical and the contributors are twenty Taleqani speakers from the village of Kiyadeh who were in the range of 30 and 80 years and sex was disregarded. They include the different ages and illiterate and the educated. The results of this study show that the clitics of the Taleqani dialect are divided into two categories; simple and special. Simple clitics include 2 clitics; /-e/ (object maker) and /-e/ (complement maker) and special clitics include 7 clitics; /-o/ (conjunction “and”), /-am/ (adverb “also”), /-e/ (definiteness), /-i/ (linker), /-â/ (emphasis), clitic verbs and pronominal clitics. The present study shows that the Zwicky and Pullum’s (1983) tests can be used as a scientific and appropriate tool for identifying and studying Taleqani's clitics. To examine and classify the bound morphemes in the Taleqani dialect, we have selected seven tests from the Zwicky and Pullums tests (1983). The selected tests were divided into three groups: phonetic, morphological, and syntactic. To investigate and identify the clitics in the Taleqani dialect, first, all of the bound morphemes of this dialect were collected and measured with the help of these tests.

An investigation of the noun system in South Bashagardi reveals that the manifestation of its morpho-syntactic categories distinguishes this dialect from other Iranian dialects and languages. Accordingly, the present research tries to linguistically investigate and describe five nominal morpho-syntactic categories of this dialect including number, gender, definiteness, case, and possession. Accordingly, the research data were collected by fieldwork method and recording the free speech, filling questionnaires and interviewing seven male and five female middle-aged and illiterate/under-educated native speakers in the natural environment of language use. Research findings show that the manifestation of investigated nominal morpho-syntactic categories in Bashagardi has a fundamental similarity with the corresponding categories in standard reflecting their familial kinship. Moreover and as a result of having dialectal peculiarities, Bashagardi utilizes certain linguistic strategies to that aim, the most important of which are: using peculiar definite and indefinite markers, exploiting a split-ergative case-marking system and agent cilitics in the past tense system of transitive verbs, employing distinct object pronominal clitics for past and non-past tenses, and utilizing different verbal forms of “bit-en” “to have” (in all tenses) along with split-ergative structure to represent possession.

ersian relative clause is a post-nominal subordinate clause; that is, Persian relative construction which can be followed by a demonstrative has ‘Det N RC’ word order. The configuration of relative structure follows the base generated analysis: head noun base generated in the Spec, DP which is co-indexed with pronoun inside the relative clause. In the present study, it is proposed that a base generation analysis of the head noun and its optional determiner in the Spec of the complex DP accounts more adequately for Persian data than raising analysis. Unlike English relative construction which uses the null operator, Persian relative construction allows a gap and an optional clitic pronoun to represent the head noun within the relative clause. The study sought to provide evidence supporting the above mentioned analysis. It was found that the relative element which occupies the relative gap is the pronoun clitic agreeing ɸ-features with that of relative head noun

In Persian grammar and linguistic studies books, the structure of the Persian verb in perfect tenses is introduced as the combination of ‘participle adjective’ + ‘auxiliary verb’ or ‘copula verb’, which is not plausible for different reasons. The present study analyzes the morphological structure of Persian perfect verbs based on different linguistic evidence. In contemporary Persian, the personal clitics (personal endings) are an indispensible part of the verb and in perfect tenses also one inflectional morpheme is required to represent the concept of perfect aspect and in addition every verb phrase is supposed to have one verb in itself. Therefore, the following morphological structures are introduced for present perfect and past perfect tenses respectively in this study: present perfect = ‘past stem of verb + /-e/ (inflectional morpheme of perfect aspect) + personal clitics; past perfect = ‘past stem of verb + /-e/ (inflectional morpheme of perfect aspect) + bud (past form of “to be”) + personal clitics. Based on some linguistic analyses, especially in coordinating the linguistic units, we came across with some similarities between perfect verbs and adjectives which demonstrate the historical development of the language. Based on the present evidence, the structure of verb in present perfect tense is modified in the way: present perfect = ‘past stem of verb + /-e/ (inflectional morpheme of perfect aspect) + portmanteau morph (personal clitics and auxiliary verb “to be”).

This paper will examine the clitics in Tati. The main objective is to know what classes ‎of ‎clitics are in this type of language; where they are attested. Their similarities to affixes ‎and ‎words are the main motivation make authors study them. The data collection is ‎based on the ‎native speakers' utterences. The clitic types in Tati are plural and ‎definiteness marker for ‎human, Ergative pronouns, enclitics, adjective and indefiniteness ‎markers, focused marker on ‎verbs, enclitic adverb, personal pronoun and case markers. ‎In this language, enclitic complex ‎predicates are the contexts on which the enclitic ‎pronouns can be used.‎‏ ‏The general properties of clitics such as host, role, stress are ‎important. On the contrary of ‎Persian, the endings of the verbs are considered as clitics. ‎The combination of some clitics is ‎possible in this language. The doubling of clitics have ‎not been allowed in Tati as well. ‎

Nowadays, One of the signs of definiteness in Persian language is ‘=e’ which is added to the end of the noun or noun phrase, such as asb=e rā kharidam. All of the grammarians and the linguists believe that it is specific to spoken language, and the examples which they have mentioned belong to today’s spoken language and the oldest of them does not go farther than Sadeq Hedayat’s works. In this article, we have identified the oldest examples of the use of this construction in the poetic and prose texts in Persian literature of the sixth century A.H. and later. Then we have shown that there are examples in the poetry of the poets of Samarkand and Neyshabur, Suzani and Attar, those who lived in the sixth century A.H.

The present study aims at investigating the nature of object indexed elements in Persian. This is an essential element for deciding about the layered structure of the clause in the framework of the Role and Reference Grammar. Because of the inefficiency of the mere formal approaches، we appeal to the Role and Reference Grammar، a functional-structural model which considers all morpho-syntactic units with regard to their usage in the context. The goal of the Role and Reference Grammar is to uncover the universal aspects of the clause structure، without imposing features on languages in which there is no evidence for them. The research is descriptive-analytic and uses the standard colloquial Persian as its data. To do this، the data of standard spoken Persian are extracted from various resources and then analyzed syntactically. The behavior of indexed elements signifies that they have not turned into the agreement markers، although they behave like them somehow. So in representing the clause structure of transitive sentences، we posit the indexed elements in INDEX node outside the AGREEMENT node. In the absence of overt object noun phrase، the indexed element can function as the argument in the clause.

Persian locates stress on the last syllable of a phonological / lexical word. Inflectional and derivational suffixes absorb stress after annexing to the end of words. Enclitics behave in an exceptional manner to this rule, i.e. stress location remains at the end of words. The purpose of this article is to posit phonological evidences for inclusion of clitic group in the present-day Persian prosodic hierarchy. Evidences include vowel deletion of enclitics when host ends to a vowel and also Ezafe vowel /e/ deletion in colloquial Persian. Such pattern is not seen at the levels of phonological word and phonological phrase. In addition, intonational pattern of a host plus enclitic and intonational pattern of a phonological word ending to an enclitic are structurally different.