جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « «جمهوری اسلامی ایران» » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

In the field of policy making, one of the most important functions of the political system is the distribution of resources. After the revolution, the government tried to reduce the class gap by implementing distribution and redistribution policies with the aim of ensuring justice in the society. Examining the statistical data shows that these policies have not been very successful and the class gap has increased especially in recent years. This research seeks to answer the question of what the graduate students of Tehran, Tarbiat Modares and Allameh Tabatabai universities have about the results of these policies and what is the relationship between their perception and political indifference. Therefore, a sample size of 383 people was selected from the statistical population of students of the mentioned universities. A questionnaire tool was used to collect data. The hypothesis of the research is based on the claim that graduate students' sense of injustice from distribution and redistribution policies has caused passivity and political indifference at the level of behavior. The results show that the students' perception of the distribution and redistribution situation after the revolution is unfair and they consider the distribution and redistribution policies ineffective. Therefore, a large part of the students has suffered political apathy in terms of behavior that includes participating in elections, supporting political factions, marching, protesting, etc.

Development programming in Islamic Republic of Iran, like other developing countries, is aiming the growth and progress, especially in the economic dimensions, which requires equipping resources inside and acquiring resources from abroad. Therefore, it is a very important prerequisite that in a logical combined framework is set the development model, and economic strategy and foreign policy proportionately to the model. The optimal and desired combination in the past six programs should be included the extrovert and endogenous development model and the strategy of active economic diplomacy based on international exchanges and developmental foreign policy. Proportionating to this desirability, the main question is about the what position of economic diplomacy in the six development plans of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially the in seventh plan. The hypothesis is that the development programs in the Islamic Republic of Iran, including the 7th development plan, did not include a pattern proportionating to development and it has led to Refusal to set goals and prioritize of economic diplomacy in the six programs. The purpose of the article is to explain the factors affecting the neglect of economic diplomacy in the development programs of Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the present article considers the economic prioritization and targeting as a serious necessity within the developmental state theory and on the basis of development planning styles and deals with the requirements and strategic implications, taking into account the possibility and refusal of the economic goals of the 7th Development Plan. The findings of the article is that Islamic Republic of Iran must consider the necessities and requirements of a specific foreign policy so called internationally selected interaction. The research method of the article is descriptive - analytical and based on the conceptual and theoretical understanding of the developmental foreign policy, the place of economic diplomacy in Islamic Republic of Iran's development programs is explained.

Considering the tremendous and accelerated changes in the field of communication technologies and the consequent change in the methods, tools and methods of communication between people on the one hand, as well as the continuous onslaught of the western media stream and their ceaseless efforts to create a distorted image of the nature and also The goals of the internal and external policy of the Islamic system, this research seeks to provide a way of thinking through which the possibility of reorganizing the official media of the Islamic Republic - with the aim of improving the level of the effectiveness of its media and propaganda action - will be provided. For this purpose, the researcher tries to answer the question of how to overcome the challenges facing the media action of the official media of the Islamic Republic of Iran by using the method of thematic analysis and its application to expert interviews. Naturally, providing an answer to this question requires knowing the weak points, drawing the situation of an ideal media action and providing operational solutions for this purpose. The elite community consists of 8 professors in the field of communication, who were selected with the logic of theoretical saturation. The upcoming research includes 20 themes in the dimension of recognizing the problematic aspect of the challenge in official media action, 79 themes in the formation of the challenge situation, 14 themes in the drawing of the ideal situation and 47 operational solutions to improve the quality level of official media action in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The increase of Russia's presence in West Asia in recent years has affected regional and international order and security. The Russia's approach in this region towards other players influenced Russia-Iran interactions and Iran's interests at the regional and global levels. This paper aims to address this question: How Russia's regional policies in West Asia have affected Islamic Republic of Iran's national interests? The paper is based on the theory of balance of power. The paper’s findings show that the most important effects of Russia's soft and hard balancing act on Iran's national interests in the region are: Help countering Takfiri Salafi terrorism, increasing Iran's strategic depth, improving Iran's regional deterrence power, strengthening the Axis of Resistance, reducing the influence of America and the West in the region, and intensifying the strategic interactions of Russia-China and Iran and their confrontation with the liberal world order and unilateralism of America.

Using dollar as a tool to impose unilateral and international sanctions by the United States of America has caused some countries to adopt a de-dollarization policy in order to reduce their vulnerability. The present research has two goals: to investigate the existing trends of de-dollarization as an economic diplomacy in different parts of the world, and to assess the feasibility of the given above conditions for Iran's economic diplomacy in order to reduce the effect of sanctions. Therefore, article’s question is what the process of de-dollarization in international trade is. Moreover, with the beginning of the process of de-dollarization in the world politics, what possibility has it provided for Iran's economic diplomacy? This research has used the theoretical approach of nested regionalism and the techniques of trend and time series analysis as a research method in the three organizations of Shanghai, BRICS and ASEAN as a case study that applied de-dollarization as a tool of their economic diplomacy. The findings of the research indicate that simultaneously with the implementation of the de-dollarization policy by the above three organizations, the level of exchanges between the member countries of these organizations with Iran has stagnated since 2018 due to the unilateral sanctions of the United States of America and lack of attention to the use of this new policy. Therefore, using the de-dollarization policy as a tool in Iran's economic diplomacy will be able to disrupt the goals of sanctions while boosting Iran's international trade.

The rule of the obligation to maintain the system is one of the rules of jurisprudence that in different periods of Shiite jurisprudence in accordance with social conditions and needs of the time, various interpretations have been made that can be divided into three areas: "preserving the unity of Islam", "maintaining the livelihood of Islamic society" and Categorized "preservation of the social order of Muslims." With the establishment of the Islamic system in Iran, Imam Khomeini extended the scope of this rule to "maintaining the political system and Islamic government", which was considered by some scholars as a heresy in the Shiite jurisprudential tradition. The present study seeks to answer the question based on the evolution of this rule in different periods of Shiite jurisprudence? In response to this question, library studies have been used to collect data and multidimensional hermeneutic method has been used to analyze them. The result of this study shows that the semantic expansion of Shiite jurisprudential rules over time and based on social conditions and needs of each period is unprecedented and the rule of obligation to maintain the system in the conditions that in the early period of Shiite jurisprudence is often in the field of "memorization". The livelihood system of the Islamic society "has been used, has gradually developed semantically and has gained more prominence in the field of" maintaining the social system of Muslims". They have tried to extend this rule to the field of maintaining the political system.

The development and expansion of new Internet-based technologies as the main infrastructure for the growth of cyber space in recent years has been the source of major changes in the personal and social life of humans and like an ecological evolution, many traditional concepts and patterns of known political action such as social movements have undergone fundamental and essential transformations.Based on this, Manuel Castells, by inductively examining the process of Islamic awakening in Arab countries and some other countries, expresses indicators for new social movements. Therefore, the main problem of this research, which has been done by its researchers, is to analyze the nature of the 2022 unrest in Iran by using Castells' theory about new social movements. Thus, the main question of the researchers of this article is whether the unrest in Iran in 2022 is considered a "new social movement" based on Castells' theory? The method of analysis used in the current research was " Grounded Theory" (Network Community Theory). By studying various works published by Castells and more closely examining the book "Networks of Outrage and Hope", the researchers categorized the set of 10 indicators that Castells mentions for modern social movements in three aspects: nature, internal mechanisms and consequences, and based on this new model, they analyzed the developments of 2022 in Iran. The findings of this research show that the unrest of 2022 in Iran, although it has some characteristics of a modern social movement, such as being networked, local-globalized, the virality of the dissemination model, the lack of a specific program, the change of society's values, and the lack of a single leadership, but still it does not have some other key characteristics of the new social movements considered by Castells, such as non-violence, self-reflection, spontaneity and occupation of the urban space due to the deviation arising from the extensive involvement of external factors and for these reasons, the series of changes that occurred as a result of the unrest in Iran in 2022, along with the series of social platforms created during the past years, can be considered as a "social movement in transition".

The North-South Corridor is a strategic and economic plan that facilitates transportation processes and strengthens international trade cycles. By connecting the countries of India, Iran, Azerbaijan, Russia and other European countries through sea, rail and road routes, this corridor strives to provide an effective and less expensive transportation route than traditional routes such as the Suez Canal. The main research question is, what strategy have the Islamic Republic and Iran adopted for the North-South corridor? Based on this, the author is trying to test this hypothesis. The strategy of seeking cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Russia is for bilateral and multilateral cooperation and to facilitate and increase the volume of goods transit through this corridor. By collecting first-class data through library sources and reports, the findings of the research show that Iran and Russia have adopted a cooperative strategy through joint investments in transportation infrastructure, signing transit and customs agreements, and facilitating commercial procedures.

Cultural influence serves as one of the tools of soft power in the realm of foreign policy, allowing countries to not only strengthen their cultural impact but also achieve their foreign policy objectives. In this context, the United States has endeavored to utilize this aspect of power for its national interests and goals. Therefore, this article aims to address the question: What have been the strategies of cultural influence in U.S. foreign policy? The findings indicate that the strategies of cultural influence in U.S. foreign policy are part of the country's efforts to achieve its geopolitical and economic objectives on a global scale. Educational programs and projects aimed at developing young leaders in various regions of the world, especially in Africa, Southeast Asia, and the Americas, have been used as tools for cultural influence and the dissemination of American values and interests.

After the independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan in 1991, the relationship between this country and the Islamic Republic of Iran experienced various fluctuations. Consequently, diverse perspectives emerged in Azerbaijan regarding Iran, sometimes fostering an atmosphere of ambiguity between the two nations. The question arises: what strategies and solutions can foster convergence between these neighboring countries? This study delves into factors contributing to convergence, such as historical ties and shared cultural elements, the significance of traditional rituals, linguistic affinity, and ethnic commonality. Employing the theoretical framework of convergence known as IME (ideological, motivational, and environmental) along with the library method and semi-structured interviews, the study aims to address this challenge. It proposes solutions for fostering social relations between the two countries within the realm of society and public diplomacy, underlining the role of public relations and public diplomacy in strengthening the ties between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan. These solutions include fostering civilizational connections between the people of Iran and Azerbaijan, promoting health tourism and medical services for Shia communities in Azerbaijan within Iran, reciprocating medical services to the people of Azerbaijan, and facilitating pilgrimage and religious tourism for Azerbaijani Shias to visit sacred sites in Iran, such as the shrines of Imam Rida, Lady Fatima Maʿsuma, and Shah Cheragh.

The current research was conducted with the aim of investigating the requirements of science, technology and innovation policy making in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this qualitative synthesis, the research community included all relevant articles in line with the research objectives. A total of 59 articles were found based on suitable keywords, and based on the entry criteria of the title, 11 articles were removed, and based on the exit criteria of the abstract and content review, 24 articles were removed, and finally 24 The article was selected. As a result of the findings of the research, 198 primary codes were extracted in the form of 8 main components (1- Paying attention to actors, stakeholders and intermediate institutions, 2- Paying attention to the private sector, 3- Paying attention to universities and international interactions with transfer Knowledge and experiences 4- Existence of comprehensive and single information base and source, 5- Existence of a single center and institution in policy making, implementation, and monitoring and evaluation,6- Existence of a coherent model for integration between policy makers, implementers and upstream laws and documents, 7- Completion and creation of appropriate infrastructure by identifying the existing situation, explaining existing problems and providing solutions, 8- Existence of an appropriate mechanism in evaluation) and 59 The index was also identified as the policy requirements of science, technology and innovation.

War is a pervasive global phenomenon; Ambiguity, complexity and multidimensionality; The most important feature is the newest combat method. Combined war is a wide range of dimensions and components in a homogeneous and heterogeneous manner, which is used in this type of war, which is considered a non-linear war.  For this reason, a constant vigilance against the enemy is one of the musts of an independent system with many enemies. With the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the enemies have started enmity and hatred against the holy system of Iran in different ways and by creating diversity. Based on this, the main goal of the research is to answer the question, "How is the passive attack in hybrid warfare?" The current research is of applied type, descriptive-analytical research method and mixed research approach. The statistical population of experts for the interview of this research is estimated to be 14 people. The sampling method was purposeful, homogeneous and heterogeneous until the theoretical saturation of the data. By using the method of collecting data in the form of library and field with the determination tools of these two methods and also by using the descriptive-analytical method, an attempt was made to determine the components and sub-components of passive offense in combined warfare. The findings of the research show that passive offense as one of the dimensions of combined warfare with eight components including "cognitive, economic, social, cyber, cultural, informational, political, legal and environmental" and 42 sub-components are effective in combined warfare.

Since the occurrence of political-military developments in the region, especially in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq, the role of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been studied from various perspectives. This research aims to investigate new dimensions of Iran's presence in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq and the role of the axis of resistance in these developments by using Nedlibo's cultural theory and emphasizing the principle of dignity. In this research, the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is analyzed on the basis of prestige and the axis of resistance, and it is hypothesized that Richard Nedlibou's cultural theory, relying on concepts such as seeking honor and prestige, can reveal the neglected dimensions of Iran's foreign policy towards the axis of resistance. enlighten us The results of the research show that the historical past as well as Islamic and revolutionary teachings have caused the motivation of the spirit to be the basis of the foreign policy behavior of this country, and concepts such as "honor" and "self-respect" have shaped Iran's positions and behavior in the international arena. . The topics of this article analyze Iran's foreign policy towards the axis of resistance in a descriptive-analytical way.

The Islamic revolution of Iran, by inspiring the Muslim nations in many parts of the world, was able to take an important step in creating a sense of dignity and identity for Muslims and guiding the flow of Islamic awakening in the Islamic world. The supreme leader of the revolution (Madazaleh al-Aali) has also stated the goal of the Iranian nation and the goal of the Islamic revolution to create a new Islamic civilization. Therefore, by knowing the dimensions and components of this lofty goal and the requirements for its realization, it is possible to plan for its realization. This research aims to investigate the role and position of the police in the realization of the new Islamic civilization, and aims to answer the question, what is the role of the police in the realization of the new Islamic civilization? And Baroosh has been analyzed qualitatively and by the type of documentary analysis. The findings of the research based on the intellectual system of the Supreme Leader (Madazla Al-Ali) indicate that the first and most important platform for the formation of the state and modern Islamic civilization is the creation, establishment and generalization of security, which represents the mission of the police organization (establishment of security in the country). Which is an important part of the Islamic state and its performance has a direct role in realizing or delaying the formation of the Islamic state and as a result achieving the new Islamic civilization. Therefore, recognizing and explaining the position, role and role-playing strategies of the police as one of the legal agents in creating and maintaining security and... Has a great role in the formation process of modern Islamic civilization.

The simultaneous introduction of social networks in the governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran with events such as some irregularities and protests bring to mind that social networks in Iran are challenging order and stability. this research has tried to answer the question, "What is the relationship between social networks and national order in the Islamic Republic of Iran?"For this purpose, a conceptual framework of the relationship of social networks with the national order was drawn and then examined from the point of view of the elites. In this research, the data collection is in the form of documents that have been analyzed in a semi-structured way through interviews with elites, and the results have been written in descriptive-analytical form. The hypothesis of this research was that social networks are the cause of disorder. This research clarifies that social networks do not have an independent factor in creating order or disorder, but the characteristics and functions of social networks cause the intensification, expansion and temporal continuation of systematic or disorder-based content. Therefore, social networks in the form of tools can have a positive and negative effect on the national order of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In a nation-state, the constitution is often viewed as the most direct embodiment of the social contract. Legislators regard its amendment as a means to accommodate evolving needs and demands. While the 1979/1358 Constitution of the Islamic of Iran did not acknowledge revisions, the 1989/1368 version introduced the principle of revision under Article 177. However, despite over three decades passing and the rapid societal and global changes, this constitution remains unamended. The apparent disinterest in revision seems to stem more from the inherent challenges associated with the principle of revision itself, rather than a lack of changing circumstances. Previous studies have not thoroughly detailed the process of revision and the subsequent steps. Recognizing this gap, this paper identifies the challenges inherent in the constitution and proposes solutions to overcome the difficulties.

This study employs an ‘Exploratory Research’ methodology, transforming seemingly ordinary issues into a central ‘problem’ that becomes the focus of subsequent investigations. The methodology of this research emphasizes a ‘thick description’ as a crucial initial step. Such a description aims to examine the context of events and interpret their significance. In describing the 'problem' of revising Iran's constitution, the researcher engages in discerning layers of meaning, reinterpreting them, as well as analyzing actions and dialogues that held significance for all individuals involved in the process of ratifying the Constitution.The primary question of this study is: What problems impede the revision of the Iran constitution? Given the historical perspective and the nature of the question posed, a ‘thick description’ is employed to identify problems. By analyzing diverse data, the study aims to elucidate certain ‘problems’ encountered in the revision of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

As per Article 177 of the Constitution, amendments are made in necessary instances following specific procedures. As inferred from this article, the review process itself, along with the institutions and authorities involved in it, constitute some of the factors that pose challenges and complications in its implementation: The authority initiating the constitutional revision process: As per the stipulations of the Iranian Constitution, a comprehensive revision cannot occur without the directive of the Supreme Leader. Essentially, without his consent, partial amendments are only possible in instances explicitly stated as exceptions by the law. Furthermore, while the Supreme Leader is obliged to seek the advisory opinion of the Expediency Council, he retains the discretion to either accept or dismiss their suggestions.Establishing the terms for Constitutional revision: The designation of certain provisions and issues as ‘non-revisable’ in Article 177 of the Constitution, when viewed broadly, may pose challenges for future generations in addressing societal needs. Concurrently, several principles, as per this article and subject to diverse and conflicting interpretations, could be deemed non-revisable, thereby rendering any form of revision seemingly impractical and superficial.The composition of the Constitutional Revision Council and the problem of power centralization: At present, the Revision Council is projected to have around 87 members, with 17 of them being directly elected by the people.The procedure of constitutional revision and the problem of ambiguity: The primary issue with the implementation of the constitutional revision procedure is the ambiguity stemming from the lack of clear guidelines in the law.The process of approving constitutional amendments and the problem of public participation: Given that the Supreme Leader appoints nearly two-thirds of the Constitutional Revision Council members, it’s crucial to ensure diversity and consider various perspectives in their selection. This approach should reflect the opinions of the Iranian people, which is particularly important for the successful revision of the constitution.In general, the primary objective of constitutional revision is to ensure the continuity of law and safeguard citizens’ rights across different periods. While Article 177 of the Constitution addresses this, several obstacles hinder the revision process. These include ambiguity in initiating the revision process, unclear guidelines on which articles can be revised, a structure that potentially centralizes power, limited circulation of elites, and minimal citizen participation in legal processes. These problems pose significant hurdles to the process. In fact, the magnitude of these legal and customary issues and ambiguities has made updating the Constitution a daunting task.

The influence of the foreign policy of any country on the actions and plans of other countries can move in positive or negative dimensions and show the behavior of governments in relation to each other. conciliatory or confrontational.In the Middle East region, we see different types of behavior and approaches in the foreign policy of the governments of this region. The plans that governments in this region are pursuing for development will affect foreign policy. The Saudi government has developed a Vision 2030 plan since 2016 in line with intra-country development measures and consequently to develop relations with its neighbors, as well as promote relations globally. So what is the main purpose of this article is to explain the effects of Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 program on foreign policy.A.It's Iran. To investigate this objective, the research method is descriptive-analytical, which is compiled by the library method and the use of internet sites, the findings in question. The main question posed is the role of Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 programme on foreign policy C.A.How is Iran? In this paper, the theoretical approach is to the theory of international regimes. The results of the research findings show that Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 program is based on the foreign policy approach of C.A.Iran and Saudi Arabia on foreign policy C.A.Iran is influential and foreign relations between both countries are affected by the program.

The present study aims to examine the position of the Supreme Leader in the structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of a nodal point. The research method is descriptive-analytical and is based on the hypothesis that leadership, as the main factor preserving the identity and unity of the nation, plays the role of the nodal point in the existing political structure. Ayatollah Khamenei, as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, has a significant role in guiding the nation, regulating the relationships among the branches of government, and managing crises. In his capacity as a leader, with legal and supra-institutional authority, he has performed vital functions during the Islamic system's passage through crises over the past three decades. Considering the importance of the nodal point in creating a sense of integration that is identity-forming and identity-preserving, it appears that the leadership acts as a kind of junction, organizing a vast number of floating signifiers, that is, a multitude of ideological elements within a unified domain. Additionally, the Supreme Leader, in fulfilling the role of the nodal point and executing specific functions, has played a unique role in the political system of the Islamic Republic, creating synergy and unity of action among the branches of government and officials, and thereby contributing to stability, security, and progress.

The objective of this research is to politically assess the strategic approach and positions of the Islamic Republic of Iran concerning the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the findings indicate that the mutual interests of Iran and the two major powers within the SCO, Russia, and China, in preventing American influence in Southwest Asia, particularly Central Asia, have brought them closer together within the framework of bilateral relations and also within the SCO. To counter American hegemony at the regional level and ensure its national interests against the security threats posed by the United States, the Islamic Republic of Iran has taken steps towards permanent membership in the SCO. Permanent membership in the SCO has provided structural opportunities for Iran, which, on one hand, can create a balance against American hegemony in the region with the support of the powers within this structure, and on the other hand, enhances Iran's political and security status in Central Asian equations and Middle Eastern developments. Therefore, with the aforementioned high capacities in the Middle East region, Iran has the necessary strategic capability to become a regional power.