جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « ج. ا.ایران » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The relationship between fundamental rights and freedoms and the national security of countries is one of the most challenging issues in constitutional law. The climax of confronting fundamental rights and freedoms is when there is an accusation or a crime against national security based on which damage to the sovereignty, authority, interests, interests, independence and territorial integrity of the country is raised. The peak of the conflict between fundamental rights and freedoms is raised with crimes against national security. Therefore, what is of fundamental importance in criminal protection of fundamental rights and freedoms is how to provide mechanisms to realize national security. The aim of the current research is to investigate the approach of c. A. Iran is against fundamental rights and freedoms with an emphasis on national security crimes. The answer that can be given to this question is that the categories of society's interest and system's expediency, people's public security, public rights and interests, and the political system, all seek to realize the principle of national security. In this view, national security is not a separate concept from public rights, and adopting punishment and defining crimes to deal with those who disrupt the order and security of citizens, is an effort to realize a safe life for the people. Rulings such as muharibeh, sedition and corruption in the land, which are mostly related to people who seek to disrupt the order and security of the society, can be interpreted in the same direction. Also, fundamental rights and freedoms are not subject to crimes against national security as long as they take public security and interests of the system into consideration. The current research with a descriptive-analytical approach seeks to investigate the concern raised in this article, which was done by collecting material from documentary and library sources.

Iran's Islamic Revolution created a new identity in the Middle East by relying on religious values and norms and highlighting political Islam. This identity has affected the country's national security in many ways. This means that national security in c. A. Iran has political, economic, cultural and identity dimensions that have been formed not only in the internal borders, but also in the external borders and the creation of a revolutionary and resistance-based identity. This is because many governmental and non-governmental political groups have been formed in the Middle East region, which have been influenced by the teachings and slogans of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and from the perspective of constructivism, a common identity based on resistance has emerged. The aim of the current research is to investigate the role of resistance axis in identity-giving to the dimensions of national security c. A. It is Iran. This question is raised, in what ways does the axis of resistance affect J.A.'s national security? Has Iran made an impact? In response, it can be said that the axis of resistance in the economic dimension will strengthen Iran's economic influence among the countries of the Middle East region, in the security dimension it will expand and deepen Iran's military power, and in the political dimension it will continue the message of the Islamic Revolution in order to confront the arrogant regimes. will be The policy of resistance against Takfiri terrorism is interpreted by the interventionist policies of the United States of America and the Zionist regime, and it has also changed the regional power in Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Lebanon and even Bahrain in favor of Shiite groups. The axis of resistance as a continuation of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution has a significant role in the regional power of J.A. Iran and the increase of its deterrence power to realize the principles and goals of the revolution, including confronting global arrogance. In this article, the descriptive and analytical method and the theoretical framework of constructivism have been used.

Velayat al-Faqih is one of the important principles of the constitution, which has undergone changes over time. One of these important changes took place in the revision of the 1368 Constitution. The aim of the current research is to compare the position of the religious authority before and after the revision of the constitution. In fact, the main focus of the review is the changes that have occurred in this principle. The question of the current research is, what are the reasons for the changes in the authority and status of the legal guardian and the application of absolute restriction to it in the revision of the constitution of 1368? The hypothesis of the research is established in such a way that the consolidation of the powers of the jurist, such as the powers of the infallible (PBUH), the more favorable regulation of the relations of the three powers and the solution of the problems of the Islamic system that cannot be solved by normal means, including the reasons for changing the principle of the guardianship of the jurist to the guardianship He is an absolute jurist. The findings of the research show that the absolute authority of the jurist, while adhering to the constitution, which originates from the Sharia, requires powers that can solve the problems of the Islamic system, which can always pose a threat. In the current research, the descriptive-analytical method was used and referring to the details of the deliberations of the Assembly of Constitutional Experts.

Defending the national security of I.R of Iran in the realm of the seas in front of different players and threats is in need of authority and power that will lead to deterrence. This prevention will be manifest when the I. R. of Iran use all the national capabilities of the country. One of the national capacities of the country is the mobilization of people, which can play a key role in cultivating the deterrence of the naval defense of the I. R. of Iran. So far, this important issue has not been properly taken into account. This research has been conducted with the aim of "introducing the competences of mobilization in promoting the deterrence of the naval defense of the I. R. of Iran". This study is an applied one in terms of its purpose and descriptive-analytical regarding its methodology. A mix of descriptive and inferential statistics has been used to analyze the collected data. The statistical population of this study was 80 individuals and the statistical sample using Cochran's formula was 54 individuals. The research questionnaire was made by the researcher and its validity was confirmed by calculating the Lawshe coefficient of about 0.9 and its reliability was confirmed by Cronbach's alpha coefficient of 0.891. The results showed that the capabilities of the mobilization in promoting the deterrence of the naval defense of the I. R. of Iran were confirmed in the form of four components (intelligence, operational, soft power and naval sovereignty).