جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « دولت روحانی » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The election contests of 1992 started in a situation where the chaos of the economic conditions under the influence of the policies of the tenth government caused the exchange rate to rise, the inequality increased and inflation was rampant. Analytical and descriptive economic and social policies during the eight-year presidency of Hassan Rouhani from the point of view of the realization of social justice, what the research has reached in its investigation shows that this government, although in its first period, relied on the western approach Garianeh has had temporary successes, but in the end, due to inaction and relying too much on the West, he followed the same path as the Ahmadinejad government, and under the influence of the neoliberal approaches governing Iran's economy, he not only failed to end social inequalities, but also increased these inequalities. From the beginning, this research is trying to answer the question that the approaches and economic conditions in Rouhani's government have had an impact on the field of social justice in Iranian society, and it has followed the hypothesis that the predominance of neoliberal approaches over economic policies will lead to the realization of social justice. In the first Rouhani government, he faced the challenge, in addition to the intensification of economic sanctions and the weakness of economic management, in the second term of the government, the conditions of social justice faced a bigger problem.

One of the most important things to know the government is to measure its efficiency. Efficiency expresses the degree of success of the government, especially in the executive branch, to achieve its specific goals, and it also expresses the degree of its effectiveness, which comes about through different institutions and with different mechanisms. In this research, Rouhani's government, known as the government of prudence and hope, has been examined considering two important indicators of rule of law and legitimacy. The main question of this research is how the efficiency of the government, based on two indicators of rule of law and legitimacy, was measured in Rouhani's government and how was it? This research, using descriptive-analytical method, has come to the conclusion that in the field of rule of law index, Rouhani's performance was always in the red state and his limited efforts to improve the existing indicators in this field were met with failure. Regarding the legitimacy of the Rouhani government, it was related to the position of the general public. At this point, the majority of Iranian citizens reached the stage of indifference towards the country's political issues, especially participation in the elections, due to the weak management performance of the government and the type of protests faced in 1996-1998.

As the Rouhani administration began its nuclear negotiations with the P5+1, disagreements against various issues, in addition to making it difficult to reach an agreement, prolonged the process. Many NGOs and think tanks offered suggestions on nuclear negotiations and resolving these differences. The International Crisis Group was one of these NGOs that was able to mediate and make recommendations to the parties to the negotiation process and, in the event of a failure of the negotiations, make recommendations that would be reviewed and sometimes accepted by governments, especially the Rouhani administration. Nin Process ultimately led to the Joint Action Plan Agreement (JCPOA) between the parties.This descriptive-explanatory study seeks to answer the question whether there has been coordination with the mechanisms of the International Crisis Group in some strategic decisions of rouhani's government in the domestic and foreign spheres. The resources of this study have been collected in a library. The results show that there is a consistency between the mechanisms and proposals presented by the International Crisis Group and some of the policies and decisions made by rouhani's government. Insistence on accepting some of the JCPOA provisions, such as reducing enrichment volumes, accepting agency inspectors' oversight of nuclear facilities, and some post-JCPOA proposals such as the approval of the F.A.T.F. or prisoner exchanges, etc. This has been in line with the group's recommendations to Rouhani's government.

By examining the course of contemporary history of Iran, we can point out the rentier government and its role in pushing back the development process, especially good governance. It has been a clear symbol of this type of government during the presidency of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani. The present article aims to investigate "the effects of the rentier government on the failure to achieve the desired governance in the government of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani". From this point of view, after expanding the conceptual space of the subject and expressing its problematic aspect, it will examine the various dimensions and aspects of the influence of the rentier government on political development. the payment. According to the subject documents presented in this research, the research method is descriptive-analytical and the method of gathering information in this research is document analysis. The findings of this study indicate that "the strengthening of the rentier government in Iran during the era of Ahmadinejad and Rouhani, the three arms of desirable governance, i.e. the efficient government based on the rule of law and the trust building of the institutionalized civil society and the active private sector, have contributed to the political development in Iran with has faced a challenge".

Foreign policy is an important area for all governments, and even many domestic issues such as development, welfare, employment, and domestic stability are somehow created in connection with successful foreign policy. Countries' foreign policies are influenced by national capabilities and international constraints. In the First Government of Hassan Rouhani (2013-17), the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to pay more attention to Central Asia as one of the most important regions around Iran in the post-JPCOA period and in the tense situation in the Middle East. By paying attention to the concept of regionalism, the Rouhani government has sought to strengthen its influence in Central Asia. The present article examines Iran's cooperation with Central Asian countries in the Rouhani government by adopting a descriptive-analytical approach in the framework of the regionalism approach. The main question is what effect the foreign policy of the Rouhani government has had on advancing Iran's political and economic goals in the Central Asian region, and what tools and facilities it has used to achieve these goals. The hypothesis is based on the principle that the goal of the Rouhani government's regionalist policy in Central Asia is to achieve long-term goals by overcoming failures and paying attention to the potentials of both sides for trade, investment and mutual influence. Hence, the government has tried to expand its relations with Central Asian countries by using cultural, historical and economic commonalities.

This paper seeks to explain how the oil revenues affected the state-building process during the Pahlavi era?Oil as the most important strategic commodity has never been isolated from the history of the world, but rather could shape it from the very beginning, especially in the second half of the twentieth century. The role of oil in various economic, political, and social aspects is considered common knowledge, the most influential of which is probably the state-building process. One of the most extensive experiences of the state-building in Iran was formed during 1300-1320, namely, the period of the Pahlavi regime, the experience that the past rulers failed to succeed in spite of their attempts to achieve it. When Reza Shah came into power, the oil price rose significantly, oil revenues along with other resources facilitated and accelerated the state-building process in four areas of the establishment of discipline, development of bureaucracy, institutionalization, and developmentalism for the poor country of Iran. However, Reza Shah failed to create the necessary logical balance between various areas of the state building due to his autarchy. The present research which is based on both the political economy and political sociology seeks to explain.

Islamic Republic of Iran’s Security Strategy in Rouhani Administration   Abstract: With the election of Hassan Rouhani the security strategy of the Islamic Republic faced a new transformation. The government faced various global, regional and domestic challenges. These challenges were more connected with globalization, global security, global and regional dimensions of security, regional conflicts. For this reason, the security of the Islamic Republic during the 11th government has been affected by globalization in all aspects of economic, political, cultural (social), such as new security definitions, transatlantic presence and cybernetic security. Rouhani administration pursued the same sustainable regional order by adopting a constructive engagement strategy and the policy of détente, Orientalism, and the fight against extremism. In this regard, various actions include a nuclear accord, a coalition with other countries to eradicate extremist movements such as ISIS, engagement with some groups in neighboring countries, forming a coalition with some powerful regional and global powers such as Russia and Turkey and exploiting the US-Western security gap

Economic Diplomacy or prominence of the economic interactions in the foreign relations is one of the most important instruments to advance countries’ long goals and their economic development. Relying on its geographical privileges, rich natural reserves and well-educated young human resources, Iran has pursued in the last three decades, the policy of further benefiting from domestic capacities and capabilities in its international economic relations through better use of foreign policy apparatus or what we call it "economic diplomacy. Therefore, the post- war governments in Iran paid a reasonable attention to economic diplomacy in their foreign policy agenda. Meanwhile, president Rouhani’s foreign policy agenda also indicates that economic diplomacy through effective and constructive interaction with the world economy has been placed at top of its foreign policy priorities. In this regard, studying the role and share of foreign ministry in promoting Iran’s foreign economic relations is highly important to understand the nature of economic diplomacy of Iran. The primary question of this research is that: How important is economic diplomacy in the foreign policy of Iran? And what have been its achievements in this regard? In Response to this question, the primary hypothesis of the research is that: The requirements of the national development goals and upstream economic documents as well as programs and priorities of foreign policy of post- war governments at the domestic level along with the impact of the various actors of international transitional order, particularly the globalization of economy, constitute the most important factors that pushed economic diplomacy to the center of Iran’s foreign policy. The research methodology is explanatory- causal by studying and analyzing relevant data gathered through first and second sources at national and international level.

In the new round of Iran's nuclear talks with the P5 + 1 countries in the Rouhani's administration, Iranian diplomats took advantage of "media diplomacy" along with political diplomacy to continue nuclear talks and “the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Center for Public and Media Diplomacy " increasingly took advantage of the media as diplomatic channels to enhance the process of Iran's nuclear talks with the West. This effort has determined the international community's diplomatic approach to the Rouhani’s administration and the international community's view on the Iran's nuclear file. The subject of this study is to examine the role of media diplomacy in changing the international community's approach to the Islamic Republic of Iran at the time of nuclear talks in Rouhani's government. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: The theoretical framework of this research is based on the theory of media convergence. In the model of media convergence in nuclear talks, the media and the Department of State's media diplomacy of the ministry of foreign affairs should be considered as two main axes, and this convergence ataffects the world public opinion, the public opinion of the P5 + 1 countries, the public opinion of Iran,theopponents and domestic critics of the talks in Iran, the members of the negotiating team of Iran, and the members of the negotiating team of 1 + 5. The method doingapplied in this research is a combination of (quantitative and qualitative analyses.First, by referring to direct (interviewing) and indirect (library) sources, with the discussion of media representation in the process of nuclear talks, the effects of media diplomacy on the outcome of the nuclear negotiations are measured operationally. Then, using quantitative analysis, the data obtained through SPSS is analyzed. The qualitative part of this research is also done utilizing grounded theory. In the model of media convergence in the nuclear negotiations, the relationship between the main actors of convergence with the audience (public opinion of the world, public opinion of the P5 + 1 countries, public opinion of Iran, opponents and domestic critics of the negotiations in Iran, members of the negotiating team of Iran, and members of the negotiating team of 5+1) is a two-way relationship. Indeed, if the main actors of convergence achieve their media diplomacy goals and advance nuclear negotiations, they will succeed in maintaining their two-way and interactive relationship with the audience so that they can change the public opinion about the peaceful nature of Iran's nuclear issue and can find the strength and power to deal with the media diplomacy of the P5 + 1 countries, including the United States. CONCLUSIONS & SUGGESTIONS: Media diplomacy in the nuclear talks has changed the international atmosphere in favor of Iran in the negotiations. The world realized that it reached agreement with the Iranian people based on logic, respect, dialogue, mutual understanding and shared interests. Accordingly, negotiations were pursued vigorously and a comprehensive nuclear agreement between Iran and the P5 + 1 countries was reached. Proposals are being made to promote media policy and media diplomacy in dealing with the modern media environment and international developments; 1. Iran needs more investments in the development of media with a regional and transnational impact level and to do this, the position of international journalism in Iran should be upgraded. 2. Developing a strategy and media attachment for domestic media is necessary for the purposes of media diplomacy in the country. 3. The establishment of a Media Diplomacy Center or Strategic Communications Center can help identify outreach issues and determine the direction of domestic media in dealing with topics that are defined as national interests.