جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « روشنفکران ایرانی » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

After the bitter experience of Iran's defeat in the Russian wars and the acquaintance of the educated class with the civilizational advances of the West, a class of Iranian intellectuals gradually emerged who worked to eliminate backwardness and progressiveness until the establishment of the constitution and the fall of the Qajar dynasty.In introducing the most prominent figures of the first generation of this movement, we can mention Seyyed Jamaluddin Asadabadi and Mirza Malkam Khan Nazim al-Dawlah as two religious and western intellectuals.In the current research, we have investigated the opinions of these two thinkers with a comparative method to answer the question of what are the similarities and differences in the approach of these two personalities in facing Western modernity; With the aim of gaining a better understanding of the basis of today's differences between the intellectual current and the Western world.This research is based on his written and library works in Spriggan's crisis-oriented theoretical framework.In expressing the results of the research, it can also be said: both want political-religious reforms and see the crisis in the backwardness of the understanding of the contemporary world; However, with a selective, critical and transnational perspective, Asadabadi is trying to pursue the goal of Islamic unity and prosperity by awakening the Islamic Ummah. But Malkam Khan is looking for a pure imitation of the principles of Western modernity in order to make the despotic Iranian nation progressive.

The right to choose a lifestyle, which at the outset seems to be unrelated to political issues  and outside the institutional and formal structure of the state, may be regarded as a matter in the realm of politics. Hence, the possibility of the advancement of humankind is opened up— despite all the limitations and restrictions that have overshadowed his/her life— in order to devise other types of lifestyle.  The authors’ main objective is to examine the works of the post-revolution Iranian intellectuals with a modernist approach to "the political,” in which the choice of "lifestyle" is understood from a political perspective. This point of view as influenced by Heidegger's model considers the political at an existential or ontological level, and beyond the existing, objective, experimental, and institutional (ontic) ‘science of politics’.  This is a different theoretical framework and a new horizon related to an individual's lifestyle in which his/her political goals are constantly attempting to transform ‘self’ and self-realization processes— in a situation where official institutions and traditional authorities have no absolute role in providing standards and values of daily life. The authors intend to answer the following research question: How can the right to choose lifestyle be considered as the political stance in Iran’s intellectual current after the 1979 Islamic revolution? In the research hypothesis, it is argued that the cultural views of Iranian intellectuals can be used in challenging the dominant discourse in order to present another way of existence and a different understanding of oneself and the world that differs from the hegemonic discourse. We can evaluate this issue in the framework of discursive and political processes, because the discourses that make society and regulate our understanding of the world are in essence political  structures. Using the method of qualitative conceptual analysis of the principal works of several influential Iranian thinkers, we examine their viewpoints on this topic. Therefore, in this article, after presenting a theoretical basis for the relationship between the concept of the political and the choice of lifestyle, the views of Mojtahed Shabestari, Soroush, Malekian, Shaygan, and Doostdar are studied. Their viewpoints respectively, represent religious, spiritual, identity-minded, and secular intellectual discourses on the issue of choosing a way of life. Each of them tried to critique the dominance of the ruling discourse using their own different perspectives (e.g., leftist, Westernist, modernist, nationalist, indigenous, and religious standpoints). Religion has generally been an essential element in articulating and shaping the semantic system of intellectual discourses in Iran in the years before and after the Islamic Revolution. In line with the function of intellectual emancipation, some intellectuals consider religion as a factor in returning to self and liberation from tyranny, exploitation, and colonization. In contrast, others consider religion itself as a tool in the service of the rejection of thought, monopoly, violence, and subjugation of humankind. 
These Iranian intellectuals introduced and explained the meanings of various concepts and issues such as religiosity, religious reading, religious reconstruction and reform, religious pluralism, traditional values ​​and patterns, individualism, self-realization, self-transformation, regeneration, the spiritual humankind, the original life, the transcultural state, the multiplicity of levels of consciousness, the experience of multiple modes of existence, the networked and rhizome-like existence, the mobile migratory subject, everyday life, selfishness, self-normality, and so on. We concluded that the culturalist approach of Iranian intellectuals in promoting and recognizing the right to choose lifestyle can be considered as a political issue (a political antithesis) in the post-revolutionary intellectual movement, since it contradicts the dominant models and values which are expanded and supported by the predominant discourse in society.

In this article, after the Constitution, Iranian intellectuals on the basis of which institution or field should be considered for the cause of modernization, civilization, development, or other related concepts are divided into two groups. The first group considers the state the cause for development and the second group that seeks the agent outside the domain of state. The question is which of the two theories have been more successful in their claims according to their historical results. The claim and hypothesis of this study is that the theories of the second group, in the search for ways of direct development of the state, eventually hinder reform, engage in direct conflict with the state, and lead the process of society's transformation to a revolution or a repressive state. To justify this claim, this article will look at the history of Iranian intellectual development theories after the Constitution. The research method in this paper is "Inference based on the best explanation ", abbreviated as IBE. It seems that in the first two constitutional and Pahlavi periods, statism and in the second Pahlavi and Islamic Republic era anti-statism were dominant. During the Second Pahlavi era and the Islamic Republic, two types of ideas were produced that were common to anti-statism and the main criticisms included: Theories of return to self and backwardness degeneration. Both are equally guilty of delaying the creation of a proper relationship between the state and the nation in the light of upholding up-to-date citizen rights and maintaining the sovereignty of the state.

After the formation of the constitutional system in Iran, the political and social conditions of Iran did not improve and the country went to chaos. The failure of the constitutional movement to establish a centralized and legitimate government and the interference of the great powers of Russia and Britain in Iran forced the Iranian intellectuals and elites to build a new Iran based on modernity and with an emphasis on modernization. Therefore, in order to guarantee the independence and territorial integrity and the establishment of national unity of Iran, they considered the Structure of an absolute government and, with the support of Reza Shah, created a modern state. Since understanding the construction of a modern state in Iran depends on the study of the political, economic and social history of the country, part of the article will be reviewed in a descriptive and historical way. The methodology of the article will also be based on historical sociology. In this paper, the role of intellectuals in the Structure of a centralized government is of particular importance. Therefore, the mentality of Iranian intellectuals under the influence of the intellectual system of modernity on the one hand, and the political and social field after the constitutional movement, on the other hand, influenced the construction of the modern Pahlavi state.

The present research maintains that Alexis de Tocqueville`s reflections on the French Revolution and the American Revolution might provide an innovative approach to analyze revolutions , including to understand some significant aspects of the Iranian Revolution (1979) . Tocqueville, highlighting the “equality of conditions”, In addition to explaining the causes of the developments of the new age, opened a new horizon for analyzing the modern revolutions. In a discussion on freedom- equality relations, he introduces the American Revolution as a typical example of “the revolution for freedom”, and the French Revolution as “for equality”. Accordingly revolutions can be categorized in two groups, revolutions for freedom and those for equality, based on the cause to which is given priority by revolutionists. Investigating Tocqueville`s thoughts , the present paper seeks to, in the first stage , index a tree-factor model consisted of “the equality of conditions” , bureaucratic centralism, and the literates` dream-making ; then, put this three-dimensional conceptual apparatus to the test through focusing on Iranian Revolution . On this basis, in the new Age, the desire for equality of conditions in the Iranian society has been significantly expanded. Along with that, the administration of affairs in a centralized manner by the Pahlavi government had devastating effects on Iranian society and provided the conditions in which “the poet's intellectuals " launched a revolutionary mobilization. At the end, In addition to explaining the revolution in discussing its results the paper suggests that Iranian Revolution might be considered as a “revolution for equality” due to what occurred to it in the aftermath of the victory.

In a closed and stuffy environment that limited the channels of political dialogue in the public sphere، inauguration of the Center for Intellectual Nurturing of Children and Teenagers in January 1966، acted as a political opening for critical intellectuals، rather than a step towards upgrading Iranian children. When explicit expression and sociopolitical critique was not possible، implicit and metaphoric language of literature acted as a cover for those demands that were repressed and threatened in the clear political dialogue. There is no doubt that propounding political demands in a juvenile language indicated the ineffectiveness، weakness and decline of public sphere and the lack of political maturity and political dialogue in Iran. Anyway، the result of the weakness and decline of public sphere and regime''s increasing pressures was the politicization of literature and in this regard، the politicization of children''s literature. The politicization of children''s literature means instrumental usage of children''s literature for political goals; a literature supposed to be، from a normative and ethical point of view، the most innocent part of literary products، due to its particular audience. Thus the destiny of children''s literature in 1960s and 1970s was determined in another way. The Center for Intellectual Nurturing of Children and Teenagers became a circle for opposition intellectuals، particularly the left-wing ones. In such circumstances، some writers of children''s literature such as Samad Behrangi were known as «teacher of masses» and a political figure in the public sphere، not as a writer of children''s literature. In this article، we will try to cast light on Behrangi''s «Black Little Fish» and «24 Hours in Sleep and Wakefulness» in order to decode some of their political messages that he tried to transmit through his juvenile stories. In both of these juvenile stories، albeit differently in each of them، Behrangi tries to depict a black and miserable image of Iran، contrary to the modern، Western-oriented and capitalist image depicted by the Pahlavi Regime. Her tries to represent his socialist، egalitarian، revolutionary and radical ideas in these stories. In order to decode these messages، we have reread and interpreted these two stories by using semiological techniques such as: illustrating the narrative structure of the works، writers'' selections for particular style and titles and words، and polarizations of the texts. We will try to declare some of political significations and meanings tacit behind the words and sentences of these texts.

This article considers the relation between the third wave of modernity -according to Leo Strau's theory- and the intellectual discourse after Islamic revolution. After Islamic revolution and faced with third wave of modernity, intellectuals offered special interpretations. Intellectual interpretations by Reza Davari Ardakani and Abdulkarim Soroush, as prominent representatives for the third wave of intellectualism in Iran have been studied from a critical perspective. After the victory of Islamic revolution, intellectual atmosphere has been influenced by the quarrel between these two outstanding interpretations. Whereas the former reveals the metaphysical crisis of the west, the latter still sticks to desires of the first wave of intellectuality-whether in west or east- using "postmodernism" as an instrument of the third wave. It is obviously contrary to Imam Khomeini's and Islamic revolution's discourse.

This article explain unsuccessful Iranian intellectual's attempts in the fields of thoughts and politics through surveying ideas of Ehsan Tabari and Jalal Ale-Ahmad. It tries to show that theirs ideas have been under hegemony of political formalism; so their naïve attitudes has converted their thought to an ideology which serve to political aims based on a political formalism.

Using 1- Habermass approach to public sphere and intellectuals functions in the development of public sphere and 2- a documentary-historical methodology and 3- a reading of social changes of the last 200 years of Iranian history that has taken place under the role of intellectuals, This paper examines a) the function of critiques as a skills used by the intellectuals and b) the role of Iranian intellectuals in the development of public sphere and transformation of the traditional life-world to the modern life-world. This examination is done based on 1- a study of historical texts pertained to 200 years of contemporary Iranian History; 2- in addition to results of intensive interviews with a number of contemporary generation of Iranian intellectuals. The content of the interviews will not be discussed here in order to save the space for the combined analysis of the results of interviews and documentary studies. Regardless of the theoretical and methodological consideration mentioned above, it is maintained here that this paper will explain the function of Iranian intellectual discourses for transformation of Iranian traditional public sphere to a modern one. This study contributes to the body of knowledge in the field of communication in providing a new typology of Iranian intellectuals that we identified using the discursive indices that each generation of intellectuals has produced. This typology is especially important because it helps us to understand the historical specificities of Iranian public sphere.