جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « رژیم پهلوی » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Entering the fifth decade since the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the examination of its various dimensions is still thought-provoking and surprising from different aspects. So that according to the pseudo-modernism actions of the second Pahlavi regime,  in what can be referred to as the problem of path dependence, contexts for dissatisfaction and change were provided in the conflict between the government and society.Thus, the present article tries to answer the main question that how the governance quality of the Pahlavi regime has provided the dissatisfaction of different sections of the people in the integration of the innovation of the ideology of Imam Khomeini and the occurrence of the Iranian Islamic Revolution? The present research, based on the theory of the fourth generation revolution of the Goldstone , has concluded that the innovations emanating from the religious culture of Imam Khomeini's Shia in the form of a deep ideology increased the set of existing alternatives through the Velayat Faqih, and the goals and strategies of different type of the people had been led  in the sequence of events at serious and critical moments towards the change of the political system depending on the path.Iran's Islamic Revolution shows the logic of path-dependent reactive sequence reasoning. As far as possible in this path, three main sequences can be identified, which are: modernization, environmental and cultural. The modernization sequence is considered a primary sequence and contains events that directly harmed the interests, values ​​and culture of the society.The environmental sequence has been set up by the inherent characteristics of the Iranian people, such as independence, people's participation in elections, and freedom. These conditions were necessary for the strong reliance of different strata of people on an ideological innovation invented by Imam Khomeini.The cultural sequence has been determined by strengthening the propositions of the invented ideology, such as the priority of the people over the government, Islamic freedom, the necessity of religion's involvement in politics, emphasis on ijtihad according to the requirements of time and place, and finally the Islamic state.

During the years 1332 to 1357, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi used the method of maintaining political stability through force and repression. Like his father, his regime eventually relied on oil revenues and the military; it was even more heavily dependent on the United States. The main purpose of this article is to study the power of repression and violence in the Pahlavi regime. The data collection method is a qualitative analysis of the type of documentary analysis and the tools of text and fish collection that have been performed using Visio software software. In this article, the violence of the Pahlavi regime is examined in three political, cultural, and social dimensions, and the tools of violence are examined in two categories: intelligence, security, and military. He himself resorted to repression and violence; he used all aspects of political, cultural, and social violence through the military and SAVAK and the Joint Anti-Sabotage Committee to carry out these programs for his own benefit; The second was the victory of the Islamic Revolution

The contemporary history of Iran is a history full of ups and downs and full of various intellectual, political, economic and social developments. Among them, it is important to examine the history of the Qajar rule and the Pahlavi regime due to their declines and proximity to the time of the Islamic Revolution. On the other hand, by examining the decline of both of them (the Qajar rule and the Pahlavi regime), it is possible to explain the effect of the Islamic Revolution on the decline of those declines. In the present treatise, the author has discussed and analyzed the "Islamic Revolution, the end of the decline of the country's history" with a descriptive-analytical method and a library approach, and the results of the research indicate that following the West was the theoretical basis of the Pahlavi government and regime. These foundations, the Qajar government and the Pahlavi regime, lost their political independence, but the theoretical foundations of the Islamic Revolution were Islamic values such as: beliefs, faith in the Almighty God and the authority of the Faqih, which are transcendental, gentrification, regulation and planning programs derived from this model.

The role of party leaders in socio-political dynamics is one of the most important issues for researchers in political and social sciences. The historical course of developments in Iran shows that the role of elites in Iranian political culture has often been accompanied by a tendency to be personality-oriented and excessive attention to the individual abilities and capabilities of political figures, as well as disregard for the rules and structural requirements governing party activities. Among these, the similarities and differences around the concept of Axial personality in Iranian political parties in the two periods before and after the Islamic Revolution are important. This article, while examining the causes and factors affecting the prevalence of Tendency to personality phenomenon in Iranian parties, tries to answer the question: what are the components of Tendency to personality in Iranian political parties before and after the Islamic Revolution? The present study has investigated the role of influential factors such as the structure of the political system, party structure, party ideology, mass media and the pattern of relations with foreigners in the pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary periods with a comparative qualitative analysis method. The findings show that the components related to each of these factors are different in the political parties of these two periods and Tendency to personality in them has substantial differences.

AbstractThe issue of Palestine is one of the most important international issues in the region that requires a lot of attention and study. In this article, a comparative study of the views of the Pahlavi government and the revolutionaries on the issue of Palestine is discussed. Given the history of the occupation of Palestine and the claims of the Jews about the land of Palestine in this study, the position of the Pahlavi regime from the perspective of defensive realism and the position of the revolutionaries from the perspective of idealism and we seek to answer the main question. What were the views and positions of the revolutionaries on the question of Palestine? The research findings show that the revolutionaries' view of Palestine is from the aspect of idealism and ummatism, which consider the land of Palestine as part of Islamic lands. The Shah has defended the Palestinian cause based on nationalism based on a position of realism, and has paid more attention to the security and internal interests of his country than to a Muslim country occupied by non-Muslims, and wherever he has been in his favor. It has expressed support, sometimes on the Palestinian front and sometimes on the Israeli front, as a result of which it has lacked a clear international policy. The method used is a qualitative method of documentary analysis.

The purpose of the present study is to review the lived experience of the governors in stabilizing post-Pahlavi security in Iran. The approach of the research is qualitative and its strategy is phenomenology. Data collection tool was a semi-structured interview and the sample of study consisted of 10 governors from the first decade of the Islamic revolution who were selected by purposeful sampling based on theoretical saturation. In data analysis, the seven-step process of the Colaizzi method was used. The accuracy of the results was fortified by reviewing and confirming the interview texts by the participants, research colleagues, and with reference to historical documents. Based on the results, provision of machinery, equipment, preparation, emplacement of the fighters and people, accommodating rural refugees inside the cities, political , cultural, industrial, and economic measures for the development of Kurdestan, purging the administrations and selection of employees anew, compensation for the damages of crises, financing and spending excluded budget in the critical regions, and attempt to decrease ethnic conflicts were among the most important lived experiences of the governors in crisis management. The above-mentioned measures were under the influence of the revolution and the revolutionary governors directed their attention to the underprivileged groups and addressed their requests and attracted their forces from the poor neighborhood. Building power institutions from below and consolidation in the structure of power were two strategies that led to the competitor’s expulsion from power and dominance over the security crisis inside the country.

Undoubtedly, the Islamic Revolution of Iran has been the greatest revolution of the twentieth century, which has been able to have a wide range of effects both domestically and internationally. Its distinguishing feature from other revolutions was its emphasis on spirituality and values ​​inspired by the religion of Islam, so that by relying on the cultural power of Islam and reviving Islamic values ​​in a specific international and domestic context, it was able to win by mobilizing. Reach. The study of the causes of revolutions has always been one of the most fascinating topics in political science and sociology. So far, different views have been put forward regarding the causes of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. In this study, we intend to show the dissatisfaction and failure of different sections of society in the form of relative deprivation, as well as direct and indirect communication between the army and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and the effects of these relations on unrest and dissatisfaction that led to the revolution. Has been examined.

This article seeks to examine the aims of publication the prison memoirs of individuals and political groups during the Pahlavi regime. One of the main functions of publication the communists memories in Reza Shah's prison was the propaganda for the benefit of the Tudeh Party. The memoirs also were a manifesto against the regime and delegitimize it. The Pahlavi regime also published some jail memoirs in support of its ideology and interests with attracting some prisoners. The memories of Pahlavi regime prisoners after the Islamic Revolution have also been published with the aim of delegitimizing the regime, legitimizing the revolutionary groups and delegitimizing the counter-revolutionary groups. In their representations of imprisonment, storytellers have standardized the behavior of their own groups as "normal" and rejected their "other" in various ways. The publications of memoirs have a function in "Political Post-Revolutionary Events Now" and resulted in the elimination of some individuals and political groups.

1144/5000 National production is one of the needs of any society for the survival and continuity of human life and will have more political independence and national dignity as the political systems in the field of strategic and strategic products achieve self-sufficiency. This issue, while the Pahlavi regime did not have much value for national production and domestic product support, always emphasized oil revenues and open door policy, importing goods on the agenda, thereby reducing the flow of national production In Iran. From this perspective, the present paper attempts to answer this question using library studies and a questionnaire method; what are the damage to the national production during the Pahlavi regime and what has affected the Iranian economy? SPSS software is used to analyze the data. The assumption is that the Pahlavi regime has had more emphasis on importing economic products than domestic production, and oil revenues have had a huge impact on this issue. However, factors such as customs clearance, government interference in economic affairs, dependence of the economy on foreign goods, imports of crops, dependent industries, lack of support from domestic producers and poor economic structures have led to the destruction of production during the Pahlavi era Is.

One of the challenges actions in the first period of Mohammad reza Pahlavi monarchy was stablishment of constituent Assembly in 1949 in which the right to dissolve the Houses was delivered to the Shah. Shah, referring to this resolution, dissolved the houses in early 1961, and many laws were passed by the government during the long period of parliamentary closure. Some of these laws were opposed to the Shari'a of Islam, and therefore, a religious and democratic movement has formed in against of it in the second half of 1964, when Imam Khomeini gradually assumed a central role in it. One of the aspects of his approach at this movement was the emphasis on the illegality of the passage of laws during closing the houses. The present research is carried out with a descriptive-analytical method of historical type and seeks to answer the question of what caused the establishment of the Constituent Assembly in the Pahlavi regime and what was the reflection and effect of this action on Imam Khomeini's movement? Findings of the research indicate that the Shah formed the Constituent Assembly to dominate on the constitutional system and granted the right to dissolve the Houses, on the other hand, Imam Khomeini, who sought the formation of an Islamic state, has based one of the aspects of revolutionary movement in a rational and legislatinal way.

This paper seeks to examine the economic institutions of the Pahlavi court as one of the hidden pillars of the Pahlavi regime by analyzing it as a neo-patrimonial regime. The paper seeks to answer two questions: 1. What was the process of formation and development of economic activities of The Royal court ? 2. What causes the formation and continuation of the process of personal wealth accumulation by the court?To this end, the evolvement and development of the Pahlavi court's economic institutions, namely the Royal Landed Properties Department, the Organization of Pahlavi Real Properties and most importantly the Pahlavi Foundation, were examined using first-hand sources. Based on the analysis of the reasons for the formation of these institutions, findings of the research show that although the psychological tendencies of two Pahlavi monarchs for personal wealth accumulation cannot be ignored, the most important reasons for these tendencies were twofold: 1. providing the necessary funds for operating various clientelistic mechanisms by the court, and 2. establishing a financial basis for the court to be used in times of crisis independently from the state. The paper argues that without due regard to such institutions and their key functions, understanding the nature of the Pahlavi regime and the role of the royal court at the center of Iranian politics at the time will not be possible.

The emergence of geopolitical changes in Iran's security environment, along with the consolidation of the Shah in the late 1960s, led to an increase in the regional role of the Pahlavi regime. It was on this basis that the Pahlavi regime, exerting itself as a regional power, expanded its influence in the Persian Gulf, trying to maintain regional stability and security, sometimes through coercion and sometimes through diplomacy and the expansion of relations with neighbors. Acted as a gendarmerie. The purpose of this article is to answer the question of what factors and how has the role of the Pahlavi regime as a regional power been influenced? Initial findings show that at the international level, the structural pressure of the international system is reduced by factors such as Cold War tensions, Britain's withdrawal from the Persian Gulf, and Nixon's doctrine coupled with the development of domestic capabilities leading to a triple role of leadership, Custodianship And regional protection for the Pahlavi Regime. In fact, given the Persian Gulf's blockade of the West and the Shah's relations with Washington, the Pahlavi regime succeeded in securing the region from the United States.

Beginning with the late 19th century Iran underwent a great deal of transformation. Central to this transformation was the change from a decentralized monarchy to the modem nation state and the development of an official Iranian nationalism under Reza Shah. Nationalism was the main axes of the first Pahlavi era that was followed by using the Persian language and ethnicity, paying attention to the historical past and relying on the antiquity were of its manifestations the result of which was crystallized in the homeland patriotism. In this age of homeland, close bond component was king worship and archaism. Reza Shah's government, by leading the intellectuals sought to replace Imperial ideology of nationalism with the Iranian and Islamic culture and rests the legitimacy of his regime on it. One of the features and characteristics of the Pahlavi regime was the emphasis on the idea of nationalist glory and honor of the Zoroastrian religion of pre-Islamic Iran and the Persian language worshiped by that time.This article aims at the crystallization phenomenon of nationalism and ethnicity importance of convergence in the approach of the Iranian in the Pahlavi era and investigated the implications and intentions of the founders approach

The present article aims to investigate the essence of the first Pahlavi State given its institutional legacy for the next periods. Although the first Pahlavi state approaches a modernizing authoritarian state model in terms of deployment model and modernization functions, however, our understanding of the essence of this state would be incomplete if extended formation of state monarchy and its institutional results are left unnoticed. The extended monarchy modelcaused the aforementioned state to witness, in a clearly declining trend, the revival and reproduction of the Iranian Traditional Monarchy characteristics in the new state and fading away of other features of the former state under the influence of dominant traditional monarchy characteristics.

In the present study, been tried, using the technique or pattern "tracking process" and the method of historical study, the Ayatollah Khomeini against the Pahlavi regime, in the framework of the Constitution and its amendments, during decade 1340 and then, be analyzed. Question of the study, racing the process that fundamental developments in the Ayatollah Khomeini's attitude towards the Constitution and delegitimization of the Pahlavi regime led definitive. In the context of major and minor questions, thesis study, status of constitution and its amendments, in different periods, according to Ayatollah Khomeini explained and to examine the reasons for that, a radical change in their attitude about the Constitution and the need to eliminate the Pahlavi regime, Created. In the present study, been tried, using the technique or pattern "tracking process" and the method of historical study, the Ayatollah Khomeini against the Pahlavi regime, in the framework of the Constitution and its amendments, during decade 1340 and then, be analyzed. In addition, the amount of credit of theory of rational-legal authority Max Weber to explain the subject, in contrast method, will be evaluated and tested. Question of the study, racing the process that fundamental developments in the Ayatollah Khomeini's attitude towards the Constitution and delegitimization of the Pahlavi regime led definitive. In the context of major and minor questions, thesis study, status of constitution and its amendments, in different periods, according to Ayatollah Khomeini explained and to examine the reasons for that, a radical change in their attitude about the Constitution and the need to eliminate the Pahlavi regime, Created. In the context of major and minor questions, thesis study, status of constitution and its amendments, in different periods, according to Ayatollah Khomeini explained and to examine the reasons for that, a radical change in their attitude about the Constitution and the need to eliminate the Pahlavi regime, Created.

Religious scholars` aim of participating political affairs during Pahlavi`s ruling was the fact of opposing tyranny and preserving the independence of the country. Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Golpayegani criticized the cultural practices of the Pahlavi regime in Islamophobia and believed that the regime, preventing political freedom, has intended to prevent religious scholars` socio-political activities. Though agreeing with the reforms, they considered the method taken for executing it as being unconformable with current conditions in the country, and, especially, Imam Khomeini regarded Shah's actions as a corruption leading to tyranny, backwardness and dependence on global capitalism. Findings of the research indicate that despite some differences, there is a significant convergence in the purpose and practice of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Golpayegani in relation to the 15th Khordad uprising as Savak documents show. The study tries to explain the mechanisms of influential measures of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Golpayegani in the uprising of khordad 15th with a document and library-based method.

USA has intervened in political, economical and cultural affairs of Iran since the Second World War. As argued for in the study, USA State`s attempt to attain a superior hegemony and Iran`s strategic situation, oil sources, consumption market and its state of being the center of the current of IR in the Middle East have been brought into consideration. During Pahlavi regime, affecting political elite and propagating American culture and supporting the regime with military and economic helps, prepared the ground for affection and exploitation. Since the victory of IR in Iran, USA has used three approaches of threatening including hard, semi-hard and soft ones. This paper has studied USA behavior during the two periods on the basis of the theories of hegemony.

The review of developments in Iran before the Islamic Revolution shows that Pahlavi's so-called developmental and pseudo-modernist policies, instead of targeting people's social satisfaction and well-being, aimed at their forced political integration. This review by focusing on the theoretical framework of relative deprivation demonstrates the fact that the general orientation of Pahlavi regime's policies since the 1330s, which can be considered as "Founder's Trap", caused the relative deprivation, discontent and anger of the people, a necessary condition for revolution. Due to the mismatch between the state and society, modernist Islamic views of Imam Khomeini acted as sufficient conditions to create the groundwork for a political revolution. By utilizing qualitative method and descriptive-analytical approach, the article first tries to explain the discontent and frustration in society in terms of relative deprivation. It then tries to provide an analysis from the perspective of political sociology in connection with the origin and causes of this discontent during the second Pahlavi reign. Finally, it is shown that Imam Khomeini's modern views acted as catalyst in the occurrence of the Revolution.