جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « طبقه متوسط » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

in this article, an attempt is made to explain Iran's foreign policy by emphasizing some variables of James Rosena, such as the government, society and the structure of the international system. In addition, its evaluation should be paid during the period (about 1.5 years) of the Rasis's state. The question of this article is: What changes has Iran's foreign policy undergone in the light of the demands, values and norms of the groups and middle classes of the society, the foreign tendencies of the government and the relationship with the great powers? The explanation to be proven is: the identity and value distinction of the 13th state with groups and the middle class, especially women and young people, is going on at different levels and dimensions, especially in the field of foreign policy. The similarity of identity between these groups with culture The West has caused America and Western European countries to align with them. On the other hand, the Rasis’s state is trying to confront the West, especially the United States, by strengthening its view of the East and trying to establish a strategic relationship with China and Russia. The findings of the research indicate that the variables of the state and the international system have the greatest impact, and the variables of the society, especially the values, norms and demands of the middle class, play a marginal role in the direction of the Rasis's foreign policy

There is a close connection between domestic policy and foreign policy in the contemporary world. Meanwhile, the expansion and strengthening of the middle class and increasing its role as the driver of the development of societies is influenced by the governments' foreign policy. In this regard, the aim of this research is to explain the consequences of Iran's foreign policy on the position and fate of the middle class. The main question is: What effect has Iran's foreign policy approaches had on the middle class? Have these approaches led to the strengthening or weakening of the middle class? The hypothesis of the research is that "Iran's foreign policy strategy is based on the priority of security issues over economic development, and this has caused neglect of economic goals, and as a result, the position of the middle class in Iran has been weakened." The theoretical framework of the research is a free use of the literature of development-oriented foreign policy. The article deals with this issue with a qualitative approach and using the method of analyzing events. This study is a library-documentary research. The findings of the research indicate that this activist class has lost its social, economic, political and cultural dignity in the last two decades and this situation is the result of foreign policy and its impact on the economic conditions of the country and on the fate of the middle class as the drivers of changes and the dynamics of society

The fundamental issues in political sociology are examining the position and function of social forces in political and social developments and their impact on the legitimacy of the ruling structure. Among the various social classes, the role of the middle class as an influential class in legitimizing the ruling structure has always been highlighted. This study aimed to explain the position and role of the middle class in Iran’s political and social developments. In addition, the middle class’s role in the legitimacy of the ruling structure from the beginning of the Islamic Revolution in Iran until 2013 was studied. The present article used the descriptive-analytical method based on library studies. The research results showed that the middle class was considered the main class in the socio-political developments of Iran. Moreover, the middle class used the following components to play an important role in legitimizing the ruling structure: being the class accompanying the ideology of the system, trying to transition to democracy in Iran, strengthening political participation, strengthening relations with influential groups and parties in the political arena, and strengthening the political culture.

The aim of this article is to theoretically explain the role of the middle class in the political development of Iran after the Islamic Revolution, while filling the wide gap in the study of the middle class, to revive the issue of political development in Iran after the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, the grounded theory method in the form of open, central and selective coding has been used in the first stage and by in-depth interviews with 18 experts (university professors, experts and political activists) to explain the theoretical model of the role of the middle class. Iran's political development after the Islamic Revolution. This model consists of six main themes: 1) causal conditions (enjoyment of political rights and political identity); 2) background conditions (political participation); 3) Interventional conditions (political capacity and facilities, social barriers, cultural barriers and economic barriers); 4) central category (meeting political needs and demands); 5) Strategies (management strategies); 6) Consequences (political, social, cultural and economic consequences). The research findings show that officials and policy makers for the political development of the middle class should pay attention to all categories of causal conditions, contexts, interventions, strategies and consequences and go through the identified steps to improve the position of the middle class.

The relationship between the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the middle class is one of the important issues in the field of Islamic Revolution and the political sociology of the Revolution. The discourse developments of the Islamic Revolution in the dimension of floating signs have caused a sinusoidal movement in the relationship between the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the middle class, which in turn has led to various changes and developments in Iranian politics in the era of the Islamic Republic. The question of the present study focuses on the relationship between the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the middle class. The hypothesis of the article is that: Due to the colorful role of the middle class in the field of modern governance, the governments of the Islamic Republic, based on their sub-discourse, have provided a beautiful answer in interaction with the middle class. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library. The research findings indicate that most of the sub-discourses of the Islamic Revolution, due to their floating signs, have sought to provide preferences over the traditional and new layers of the middle class, and as a result of these preferences, reduce or increase the strength and power of the middle class. Or have become its traditional and new layers.

This article examines the relationship between the Rentier state and the middle class in the middle of the years of 1997-2005. The main question of this article is what is the relationship between the Rentier state in the current and the middle class in Iran? The main hypothesis of the paper is that the relationship between the state and the middle class in this period was a relationship based on mutual reinforcement, and government policies in this period, despite the Rentierism, were based on the strengthening of the middle class. The results of the research show that the reform government has tried to adopt policies aimed at political development, including in the area of civil liberties, Press freedom, anticorruption, government size reduction and accountability in line with the values of the middle class. The study of field data and reports from international institutions in this area also confirms that the status of the middle class has improved in this period.

Political development is one of the branches of development with the goal of progress, industrialization, elimination of poverty, elimination of dependence, structural changes and reforms in all sectors of society, and the transition from the unfavorable state of the past to better conditions. Political development is related to the position and role of the middle class in society. Because the middle class position is a structural position tied to political power. The identity of this class requires the presence of the ruling class and the lower class of society. In a division, this class is divided into a traditional one, which is the traditional middle class, the petty bourgeoisie, the merchants and the peasant landowners, while the new middle class includes the wage-laborers, the technocrats, and the educated classes of society. It should be. In the second Pahlavi period, despite all the pressures, the middle class, in particular the traditional middle class of the clergy and the market, actively participated in the struggle against the government and the modernization and secularization of the Shah. In contrast to religious beliefs and national and religious traditions, the ruling class stood against it. On the one hand, the contradiction between the state and the nation, which was the product of the introduction of modernity to Iran, was the main concern of the new middle class, especially the intellectual circle.

Using an analytical descriptive method, this study aims to identify the patterns of cultural consumption among the middle class shaped by the cultural policies adopted by the Islamic Republic under three consecutive administrations from 1989 to 2013. The article concludes that the status of the middle class has exponentially increased in the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic despite the decline in their economic status in the country's major policies to the extent that their cultural consumption over the eight years from 2005 to 2013 has been more than the preceding 16 years since 1989. This means that the middle class has been influenced by a range of factors beyond the traditional economic factors such as income, employment, and education, and has become a force to reckon with in the cultural field.

The victory of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the ninth presidential election in 1384 marked a turning point in the history of contemporary political and social developments in Iran. Despite the promotion of economic and political development during Rafsanjani and Khatami eras, a candidate was elected who represented different political values. This article intends to analyze the political implications of development programs during the presidency of Khatami, Rafsanjani to examine how Ahmadinejad won the election of 2005 based on the Asef Bayat Deprived leading theory. The results showed that during the economic modernization of Hashemi era, a new middle class was created which established second of Khordad. But, they faced many challenges in the reform era and turned into passivity. This passivity of middle class, on the one side, and lower social class tendency to counter aristocratic promises of Ahmadinejad in the election of 2005, on the other hand, shaped the outcome of the election.

This paper is about to discover the roots of formation of one of the political and social phenomena called political party in a particular period of Iranian contemporary history. In the light of this kind of study we can go beyond the superficial and general analyses which are the characteristic of traditional and under developed societies unfortunately these analyses are used to justify all the phenomena and it’s clear that they often have too simple and misleading results. Studying the way of forming a particular political party leads to a better understanding of it. The main question of this study is the way of forming Kargozarane Sazandegi party and the role of the modernization of Hashemi government to explain this matter among common theories, the modernization theory is used as the theoretical basis and the method is also the analysis of the secondary data. The results of this research indicate that there is a relation between the modernization of Hashemi government and the formation of Kargozaran party. The modernization of Hashemi government created considerable changes in the criteria in Iran which led to the renewed of a new orange class and the formation of Kargozaran party and its continuing victories in different elections. This modernization also provided field of the emergence of Kargozaran party as the main defendant of political and economical reforms, social liberties and cultural tolerance in the political environment of Iran.

Adopting open economic policies and political limitations coincided with development of international communication networks paved the road for Arab young generation who feel relative political, social and economic deprivation to show their anger through revolutionary movements. Such movements gradually moved to the other Arab countries and made Arab authorities worried with regards to their non-democratic structures as they started to try to remove unemployment, corruption, and poverty. This paper surveys economic causes of revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia. The main question is that what are the causes of recent movements in these two countries? Assuming that economic factors such as poverty and unemployment among the middle class were the causes of revolutions in the mentioned countries, this paper uses Robert Gurr’s relative deprivation theory to study the role of Ben Ali and Mubarak’s governments economic policies in creation of new middle class and raise of relative deprivation leading to the revolutions in 2011 and 2012.

In most Arab countries, the relationship between state and society has traditional nature and the nation-building process is still being shaped. Growing urban middle class, increasing the number of educated people and the increase in the use of new communication media such as the internet, lifestyle changes and… have been manifestations of recent social developments in the Arab countries. Since the political systems prevailing in these societies have failed to keep pace with social changes and also there has not been any change in the performance of the traditional political structure of these countries, these countries will be witness far more the gap between the state and the nation in near future, which in turn can cause radical and more important changes in the country’s political structures in the future. In other words, these social changes may cause more formidable political changes in the future compared with developments of 2010-2014. Due to the structural crisis of civil society and national government in the Arab countries of the Middle East, the main source of social change in the net community would be cultural identity. Different cultural identities in a variety of formats such as Islamism, democratization, multiculturalism, with diverse backgrounds and perspectives to create, represent a serious and irreconcilable challenge with symbols, institutions and behavioral rules that emerged from Arab rulers’ unilateral and authoritarian political processes of.So the main topics of this paper will be as follows: 1. The revival of the Islamic identity against western / secular identity, and 2. The formation of a new middle class with political and cultural consequences.

The present study is to investigate the economic causes of revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia. The main question raised in the present study is that what are the causes of the occurrences of recent movements in these two countries? The present study، using Robert Gurr Relative Deprivation Theory، investigates the role of economic policies of governments of Bin Ali and Mubarak in creating the new middle class and enhancement of the relative deprivation level in these countries which finally resulted in revolutionary movements in 2010 and 2011. Because the Relative Deprivation Theory is a psychological one، along with making open economic policies and concurrent political limitations with the development and expansion of international communication networks، an appropriate ground was provided for Arab young people to feel relative deprivation in different political، economic، and social domains in one way or another and represent their protest and anger via revolutionary movements. This revolutionary rises and movements got gradually expanded into other Arab countries and paying attention to the non-democratic structure paved the paths for the Arab heads’ worries so that they apprehensively started to make policies for eliminating unemployment، corruption، and poverty.

In the last two decades many countries in the West Asia and the North Africa had implemented economic liberalization as the best policy for development. But increasing in literacy، health and media access changed these countries deeply. Tunisia under 23 years of Bin Ali’s rule has experienced these changes too. He showed political stability by composition of political oppression and balancing policy and was one of the victorious countries among these countries. However، after upgrading of education of the youth people، spreading of public knowledge، globalization of culture and increasing social awareness as cultural capital for Tunisian people، they vigorously challenged the ruling system. Domestic and the international sources of these developments is the main question of this article. The authors have applied explanatory Methodology، to answer this question that: what are the domestic and International causes of the Tunisia’s 2011 Revolution?

One of the functions of political parties is collecting and compelling the wishes of the people in the society and reporting these demands to the political and decision-making systems. As Moris Dorzhe states since the political parties are the representatives of the social forces in the society, they attempt to satisfy the demands and wishes of those groups, classes and social forces which they represent. This goal is achieved through acquitting and maintaining power by political parties in an election system. Investigating the performance of the parties in the Iranian society reveals that the parties have been inefficient especially since the 19th August coupin 1953. The present article attempts to reveal that the rentier quality of the government in 1960’s and 1970’s was responsible for the inefficiency of political parties in Iran. The government was able to support consumerism in the country through satisfying the economic needs of the people through relying on its entire revenues which led to preventing people from seeking their demands in the framework of creating political parties of following political activities in the society. At the same time, the revenue obtained through taxes made in possible for the government to make very dependent parties which were the mouth-pieces of the government. Through it’s retire capabilities, the government was able to suppress and control the opposing parties and make parties which were its adherents.

The new middle class are considered as a major force in the socio-political changes whether before or after the Islamic revolution. The paper, after explaining the concept of “new middle class” and its features, deals with the formation and development of this class and its influence on the socio-political life in Iran in the Pahlavi and the Islamic Republic era.