جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « قدرت های فرامنطقه ای » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the demise of the bipolar system, there were important changes in the geopolitical map of the world, including the formation of the Central Asian region, which, according to Mackinder's theory, is the southern part of the Heartland. Due to the power vacuum after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the beginning of events such as September 11, 2000, it created an excuse for the presence of the West to fight terrorism and influence in Central Asia, and this region, which has a special geopolitical, geoeconomic, geostrategic and geocultural position, has a special position in the confrontation between the East and the West. East and West show off and confrontation of each regional and extra-regional power to achieve their own goals and interests, which has become a concern and security problem in this region. The influence of the West and the regional and extra-regional powers in Central Asia has ignited the show of power of Russia, which is recovering its previous power, and considers this issue to be a serious threat to the security of the region. This issue has become the beginning of a confrontation between old rivals and regional and extra-regional powers. This research seeks to answer the question that the confrontation between East and West in Central Asia will shape the future for this region. And in response to this question, the hypothesis that the conflict between East and West in Central Asia is not only a factor in security and peace building in this region, but also makes its conditions more difficult in the direction of security and creates a security problem for the countries of this region.

In this paper, the determinant factors and processes in the West Asian region are investigated in three areas of structures, actors, and processes as interconnected and interrelated items. The theoretical framework of the research is based on the Steven David''s Omni-Balancing theory, asserting that governments not only consider external military threats in their own security calculations, but also address domestic dangers. After reviewing the structures affecting the security order of the region, the writers explain the role of extra-regional, sub-national/non-state and state actors. Then, processes affecting the security order of West Asia will be examined with emphasis on identity differences, poverty and inequality, water crisis and Islamism. The article then focuses on regional patterns of regional security in West Asia, including Puzzle and Chess patterns, which put actors involved in the security equitations of the region in a state of perplexity. The paper concludes that due to the uncertainty and unpredictability of regional dynamics, the lack of a regulative principle, the plurality and diversity of actors and finally the fluid process, it would be difficult to predict the future of regional order and security. In such a situation, it seems that the ultimate solution would be initiatives such as security networking and a strong region. The research method is descriptive-analytic and documentary and reliable internet based sources have been used to collect the information.

The Islamic world is one of the most sensitive and strategic areas in the geopolitical system at the spherical level. The enormous energy reserves, seas and communication routes, as well as its vast population and large population, have made this region a focal point in political and geopolitical equations. There are many opportunities in the Islamic world so that convergence in the Islamic world has the potential to bring about fundamental changes in the structure of global power. Despite the extensive human and natural capacities of geopolitical crises in the Muslim world, it has had devastating effects on sustainable development and sustainable security in the region, with geopolitical crises being a major obstacle to convergence between countries in the Muslim world. These crises have led to the boom in the economic capacities of the countries of the Islamic world, as well as countries engaged in security and marginalization issues and political conflicts. This descriptive-analytic study, using library resources and reputable internet sites, seeks to elucidate the role of trans-regional powers in the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world. This study highlights the role of transnational powers in the geopolitical crises of the Muslim world by identifying the sources of libraries and categorizing them in order to facilitate the identification of the role of these powers and their goals in the context of Islamic convergence. The Islamic world is one of the most dangerous areas in the world. The political security tensions in the region have had profound effects on the structure of power worldwide. The Islamic world has a variety of crises. Initially, the region, having been the center of the emergence of the world's religions, therefore has wide cultural complexities. Ethnic religious diversity in the region has made tensions visible at the formal, national and regional levels. Ethnic and religious differences have endangered the existence of political structures in the Muslim world. Ethnic geographical dimensions of the area is home to diverse ethnicities and races. The cultural diversity of these tribes has led the region to cultural competitions, with each ethnicity stepping in to develop its own culture. In the religious dimension, the territory of the Islamic world is divided between Shieh and Sunni religious groups. Another structural crisis in the Muslim world is problems with shared water basins and common border rivers as well as the dust phenomenon. As the Islamic World region is part of the arid region and the border rivers and catchments do not follow the political boundaries, so the shared waters pave the way for water conflicts and problems that have the potential for hydrophilic The title of a geopolitical crisis exacerbates the challenges of the Islamic world. Today, the problems of dehydration and dust have become a political security problem among the countries of the Islamic world, and these crises can be activated at any moment. Another geopolitical crisis in the Islamic world is geo-economics issues. Competition for sale of oil among oil-rich Islamic countries has hampered economic cooperation. Global powers are using the crises and tensions in sensitive areas of the world, including the Middle East and the Islamic world, to serve their own interests. Ethnic religious crises and in general the geocultural crisis, geo-economics crises and economic competition between regional powers and water crises in the Muslim world with regard to water problems have provided the ground for the presence and influence of world powers and these powers are exacerbated by the crisis being exploited. The resources of this region have prevented convergence. As it is seen today, with the increasing military and economic presence of world powers, the region is increasingly taking on new dimensions of spatial disruption and these crises are expanding. The results show that trans-regional powers have exacerbated geopolitical crises based on their goals, strategies and interests in the geo-economics, geocultural and hydraulic dimensions of the Islamic world. The economic wheel of world powers is turning to hydrocarbon energy sources, and these powers are increasingly in need of energy resources to meet their needs. Most of the world's energy resources exist in the Middle East in particular, and the Islamic world in general. Therefore, these powers are in the area of easy access to energy resources in the Islamic world. Global powers exacerbate geopolitical crises in the Islamic world by preventing regional cooperation between the countries of the Islamic world and securing their own interests and goals, thus making energy resources available at low prices and by turning the region into a market for the sale of their weapons. There is geo-economic competition in the Islamic world and between regional countries, and the interests of these powers are secured by preventing geo-economic cooperation between regional powers. On the other hand, the existence of geocultural crises in the Muslim world has provided the ground for the presence and influence of world powers to politically aggravate tensions in the region. As well as the hydrophilic problems in the Muslim world, it can pave the way for influence in the region's water projects to enable countries to engage in domestic issues and tensions at the local and regional levels, and to prevent cooperation and convergence between the countries of the Islamic world to achieve their goals. Follow their economy easily.

The Middle East region has experienced various patterns and processes of statehood since the formation of national units. The Arab awakening which encompassed the huge part of the Middle East and North Africa since 2011 was promising a fundamental transformation in the statehood patterns following an intermittent period of decline and weakness. However, the mentioned developments have been coupled with political chaos, security crisis and even civil war. Countries such as Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Yemen in which the concepts of state and nation had not been realized and authoritarian regimes had been the main factor of the connection of the state's parts, have experienced a complicated situation regarding the indexes of fragility and vulnerability. This situation in Iraq goes back to the United States invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the fall of Saddam Hossein. However, the Arab spring and the erosion of state in the region have exacerbated the vulnerability and fragility of Iraq in an unprecedented way.

Abstract This study examines developments in Iraqi Kurdistan for two reasons. First because of the presence and activity of regional and ultra-regional governments in Iraqi Kurdistan after Saddam Hussein, and Second the strengthening of Kurdish nationalism in Kurdish regions of Iran. The outcome of this event is the expansion of ethnic desires of Iranian Kurds from the central government, and the probability of divergence from the central government by the guidance of foreigners. Hence this research has utilized future studies method to respond to the following question: How will the recent developments in Iraqi Kurdistan affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Based on the hypothesis of the research, developments in Iraqi Kurdistan and in particular the presence of regional powers in that region and common borders with Iran as well as the presence of Kurdish opposition forces could provide the way for actions against national security in Iran. Ultimately four scenarios have presented for future reviews of this issue in the Middle East.

Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are each other's main competitors in the energy, though always shades of oil powers such as Russia, Nigeria, Venezuela and etc. Always has been tangible in this regard, But the adopted diplomacies from Iran and Saudi Arabia in the Middle East should be considered the most important elements influencing the energy area. In the present article, the author attempts to describe, analyze and interpret it What is the most important component of energy (oil and gas) in Iran and Saudi Arabia from 2011 to 2013? And on the other hand, how much the role of world powers in this issues? Also the explaination of that how much two countries were successful to absorption of oil and gas companies and cartels are another part of the current text to be included. Therefore, this article focused on explain the components of Iran and Saudi Arabia energy diplomacy and its comparative analysis.

The United Kingdom's presence as a trans-regional power in the West Asia region has long had much effect on the countries in region including Iran. These effects continue to exist in different ways. The United Kingdom in the West Asia region pursues its strategic objectives, which are at odds with the interests of these countries. It plans to pursue its colonialist objectives by its presence in the region, which, of course, differs in form from the past, though not in nature. Therefore, this article aims at capturing the identity of the effects of the United Kingdom's foreign policy on IRI's national security in three domains-namely security, economic and military. Further, it draws on a descriptive-analytical methodology to answer the question of "What effects does the United Kingdom's foreign policy have on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran?" This is followed by the use of note-taking to gather data in order to collect and analyze different documents.

The Caspian Sea is the largest lake in the world and despite its size, it is not covered by the Law of the Sea Convention. Regarding the specific characteristics of the Caspian Sea, it is ruled by a special regime which is on the basis of the Soviet-Iranian agreements of 1921 and 1940 but the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and increase in the number of littoral states from two to five, i.e, Iran, Russian Federation, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan have made necessary a new order based on a fair partition of the sea. These arrangements should include commuter ships, fishing and fisheries, environmental protection and exploration of the sea bed. The legal regime of the Caspian Sea was affected by a variety of economic, political, geopolitical, strategic and energy security considerations during the last decades. Also, due to activities made by important oil and gas multinational consortia, the presence of the trans-regional powers as a result of investment contracts and exploration and exploitation of natural resources under the Caspian Sea by littoral emerging countries, this debate has attracted the broad political and legal circles at the international level. Three newly independent countries are seeking to determine a new legal regime for the Caspian sea. Thus the Caspian sea has found a special place in the region and provided many grounds for conflict and cooperation among the littoral states.

The Chinese South Sea during WWII and the Cold War had a special importance for countries such as USA, USSR and Japan from a geopolitical and geostrategic point of view. These countries used to enjoy this sea as an opportunity for increasing their presence and influence in the East Asia. Though, the decreased influence of Japan and the collapse of the USSR limited the number of players in this area, yet the recent emergence of great and middle powers in the region have brought about new developments in this sea. In spite of that, its significance has not diminished in the last years and rather with the exploration of mineral, gas and oil sources in this area, it has gained more significance. These factors, along with the trend of the growing economic and military power of China and its capability to become a regional power have caused certain developments which led to a greater role playing of the regional as well as trans-regional states. In this regard, the questions that we would like to address are: with the geopolitical developments and increased number of regional and trans-regional players in this sea, what objectives theses players seek? And what implications the strategies and policies of these players have brought about in this sea? The hypothesis of this paper is that the increased power of China, emergence of the regional and trans-regional players with the recent geopolitical and geo-economic developments in the South Chinese Sea led to the proclamations of the players regarding this sea and at the same time their efforts to expand their influence and control over the sea aimed at attaining available sources which have paved the way for more tension and increasing instability in the region.

In the decades prior to the turn of the twentieth century, the power vacuum resulted from the collapse of the USSR as well as territorial disputes of amongst various ethnicities, with plural ethnic-religious formations and lack of political development, caused the formation of South Caucasus region with an anarchic structure. This region with three independent republics of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia was suffering from the lack of a common security regime and was influenced by regional and international actors. Meanwhile, opposing interests and goals of regional actors such as Russia, Iran, and Turkey as well as trans-regional ones such as the United States, NATO and the Zionist Regime, made the security environment of South Caucasus confronted with some new challenges caused by geopolitical rivalries. Meanwhile, contrary to its political and security challenges, South Caucasus stands in a high level due to its energy resources and geopolitical and geo-economic importance in international politics equations. Using library research methods and an explanatory – analytical method and with the aim of scrutinizing the impact of rivalry among regional and international actors in the South Caucasus, the present literature addresses the following question: What has been the impact of strategic approaches of regional and international actors on security issues in the South Caucasus? It seems that a negative competition among regional and trans-regional actors has increased in the South Caucasus and this has led to a continuous instability in this strategic sub-region.

Although Iran`s accesses to the first position of region not to be far away, but encounter with very challenges and limits, the solution of these challenges both in international and external area is pathfinder for our country to get it `s real status. Thus, the first pace in this way will be recognize these challenges. On the one hand, encountering part of Islamic Republic of Iran`s foreign policy with some of International system `s current norms, on the other hand, the existence of difficulties in relationship with regional powers, for power distribution in the region, provided Iran with challenges to be regional power. Therefore the main purpose of this article is to study and recognize these challenges and offering the techniques in order to overcome them and also promoting the ground of consolidating Iran`s regional power.

With success of Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, the category of religious belifes and values converted to one of the most important and constitutive principles in Iran s foreign policy that reflected in decision-making sphere. This article with concerning Islamic identity as a revival fragment in central asia and it,s inability to play constructive role in Iran,s national interest securing, seeks answer to the question: why religious identity couldn’t play a fit role between Iran and Central Asia? This written with separating between micro and structure levels argues:” pre-political culture and identity crisis in micro level and regional, transregional actors interventions in Central Asia in structure level are most obstacles in cooperation between Iran and Central Asia on basis of religious identity. With a kind of pragmatism in foreign policy and economic linkage expanding with regional powers and Central Asia,s countries, meanwhile Iran can converts rivalry to competition-cooperation, it declines the transregional actors causes to intervene in the region.

Even though subsequent to the Cold War, Washington and Moscow geostrategic competition came to an end in many parts of the world, a fresh rivalry has been sparked between them in Central Asia and the Caucasus. This rivalry has been developed between regional and transregional powers with the aim of gaining geopolitical advantages, enhancement of security structures, dominance over energy resources and extension of their sphere of influence. article adopts descriptive-analytical approach and analyzes benefits and behavioral patterns of regional and trans regional powers in Central Asia geopolitical environment after the Cold War. In addition, it studies objectives and interests of Iran-Russia as two main actors in Central Asia and specifies their interaction at opposite ends of rivalry and cooperation. The paper claims that Iran-Russia conflict is not in line with their interests and the approach of rivalry in a cooperation platform would best serve Iran’s interests in Central Asia.

Since a long time ago the Middle East has been one of the most strategic regions in the world. Therefore, the great powers have been attempting to have domination on this region. However, poor water resources of this region highlight the important value of water in this region. During the history, the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers, deriving from the Kurdish region in Turkey, Iran and to the some extent from Syria has been a vital water resource for these countries. This paper intends to answer the question that what kind of impacts the hydro-politics will have on the Kurdish issue in the future. The paper concludes with an important finding that regarding hydro-politics, the approaches of the regional and extra-regional powers, specially the USA, towards the Kurdish issue will be different from those of the 20th century and will have a strategic nature.