جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « africa » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Putin believes that he has an important, historical and sacred mission, the main focus of which is to restore Russia's historical greatness and compensate for the West's damages to Russia. Therefore, in order to compensate for Russia's geopolitical failure after the collapse of the Soviet Union and to avoid the mistakes of that era, it has tried to communicate with the African continent and develop its influence on different levels with this continent. The interesting thing about the nature of Russia's relations with the African continent lies in the fact that Putin does not spend money from the government's treasury in this direction. Therefore, when examining and analyzing Russian policies, one should not ignore Putin's political psychology, which seeks to restore Russia's greatness. Moscow has stepped into Africa with the aim of institutionalizing its military presence in the African continent and the Mediterranean coast, dominating the oil and gas and mining sectors, as well as creating new markets to sell its products.

The Horn of Africa is one of the important regions in the international arena. In recent years, geopolitical, geoeconomics, geostrategic, etc. values of the Horn of Africa have attracted the attention of regional and trans-regional actors, and are active in this region. One of the regional actors in the Horn of Africa is Israel, which is active in the political, military, security, intelligence, economic and commercial dimensions in this region. There are various reasons for Israel's presence in the Horn of Africa, which can be analyzed in the framework of geopolitical thought. The main research question is, what are the most important reasons for Israel's presence and activity in the Horn of Africa? what is the geopolitical analysis of these causes? (question) The current research is not hypothesis oriented due to its exploratory nature. This research with the descriptive-analytical method and inferential approach and content analysis (method), and the use of library resources, seeks to identify and geopolitically analyze the reasons for Israel's presence in the coastal and maritime areas of the Horn of Africa. The results show that the most important reasons for Israel's presence in the Horn of Africa are: dominating the strategic position of the Horn of Africa, preventing the Arab countries from dominating the region, influencing Egypt, countering Iran's influence in the Horn of Africa, and cooperating with the United States in implementing its plans and policies in this region (findings). Each of the causes is geopolitical in nature.

Through policies and strategies in various dimensions (political, military, economic, cultural and social), Israel seeks to attract new allies in different parts of the world, including in Africa. In this regard, the African Union has recently accepted Israel as an observer member of the union. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to analyze the dimensions and objectives of Israel's presence and influence in Africa. The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method to answer the question, what are the dimensions and goals of Israel's presence in Africa? The findings of this study show that due to the prevailing policy of Alliance of the periphery doctrine and its shaping factors in Israel, and enjoying the geopolitical, geo-economic and geostrategic advantages of African countries and having great economic, security and military potentials, as well as taking into account the pragmatic political and economic considerations of African countries, Israel seeks to expand its relations with these countries and increase its presence on the African continent, with goals such as enhancing its international legitimacy and political prestige, undermining the anti-Israel unity of the Arab-Islamic countries, downplaying the Palestinian question, responding to a shift in US regional policy, and increasing its security and as well as achieving its strategic confrontation with Iran and its allies (promotion of water security and population security) and economic exploitation.

Russia is a country with long-standing ties to the African continent, so that Russia's role in the Black Continent can be analyzed in terms of its geopolitical and geoeconomic considerations and the idea of Russia's "glory" derived from the tsarist empire. Russia is now trying to realize the idea of the glory of the tsars and to play the role of a great power on the African scene, given the situation, given the reluctance of the United States to intervene directly in African affairs. This article answers the question of what goals and interests Russia is pursuing in Africa and why Moscow has been active in African countries in recent years to achieve its desired interests? The authors' hypothesis is that Russia seeks to enhance its role as a major power on the African continent; In practice, however, this role is largely limited to efforts to help balance, arms and conflict resolution in African countries, educational assistance, and economic benefits. This research has a descriptive-analytical aspect and data collection has been done to do it by library method.

The Horn of Africa is the name of a region in the east of the African continent, which is adjacent to the sea spaces of the Gulf of Aden, the Strait of Bab al-Mandeb and the Red Sea, and it protrudes into the Gulf of Aden in the form of a tongue. This region has long had geopolitical, geostrategic and geo-economics value and importance, and because of these values, regional and extra-regional actors have always tried to be present and active in it. In the past few years, Iran has always been one of the countries present in this region, especially in its maritime spaces, despite the reduction or termination of relations with the countries of the Horn of Africa and the consequent reduction in activities. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate and analyze the reasons of the problem from a geopolitical point of view. This research deals with the geopolitical explanation of the reasons for Iran's presence in the Horn of Africa and the water and coastal areas of this region with a descriptive-analytical method and an inferential approach and content analysis, using library resources. The main question is, within the framework of geopolitical concepts, what are the most important requirements for Iran's presence and activity in the Horn of Africa? The results of the research show that the most important geopolitical reasons for Iran's presence and activity can be seen as the security of maritime traffic, the presence of competing actors and the neutralization of some hostile actions, the geo-economic potential of the Horn of Africa, and the issue of influence and territorialization.During the recent years and approximately since 2015, Iran's bilateral relations with most of the countries of the Horn of Africa have suffered a reduction or interruption of political and diplomatic relations due to various reasons. Before 2015, there were good relations between Iran and the countries of Ethiopia, Somalia, Eritrea and Djibouti, but since then, mainly due to the hostile and interventionist actions of Iran's foreign and regional rivals, including the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia and offering and granting financial aid to Somalia, Eritrea and Djibouti in exchange for severing ties with Iran, these countries decided to cut ties and currently, despite the active presence of this country in the maritime spaces of the Gulf of Aden to fight against piracy. Iran's effective role in the Horn of Africa has decreased. Of course, in recent years, the approach of the foreign policy of the 11th and 12th government in the Islamic Republic has also become more and more important, and one of the reasons for the reduction of Iran's presence or weak presence in the Horn of Africa is related to this issue; This means that since the beginning of the 11th and 12th governments, the development of relations with African countries, including countries in the Horn of Africa, has not been a priority in the foreign policy of these governments.In this regard, the most important challenges facing Iran in recent years in this region can be the occurrence of piracy - which has been a challenge for many other countries in the world; The low level of relations or the disconnection of Iran's relations with the countries of the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea Basin; The presence and influence of Iran's competitors in the countries of the Gulf of Aden, the Strait of Bab al-Mandab, the Red Sea, and the Horn of Africa; And the absence or weakness of a specific strategy and plan in relation to the Horn of Africa and its coastal areas in the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea, which each has affected Iran's presence and activity in positive or negative ways.At the core of each of these factors, geopolitical components play a role. In the factor of "providing the security of maritime traffic and countering the phenomenon of piracy", the formation of patterns of "cooperation" and "competition" between governments to fight piracy and their empowerment, the geopolitical roots of the formation and growth of pirates, Iran's "geopolitical affiliation" To the Horn of Africa as a spatial and geographical complement to take advantage of strategic, economic and commercial advantages on the other side of the borders, Iran's effort to increase its "geopolitical weight" and create a "geopolitical balance" with other actors active in the Horn of Africa through an almost independent presence In the fight against piracy in the Gulf of Aden and the Strait of Bab al-Mandab and conveying the message of strategic and operational power in fighting this phenomenon to the world, it is one of the geopolitical characteristics of this factor.The factor of "the presence of competing actors in the Horn of Africa and the neutralization of some of their hostile actions", geopolitical features such as the formation of the pattern of "competition" and "geopolitical competition" between actors active in the Horn of Africa with Iran, the "geopolitical construction" of Iran's influence and influence in this region As a threat from competing or hostile actors, Iran's attempt to increase its "geopolitical weight", create and maintain "geopolitical balance" with competitors and move in the direction of "geopolitical superiority", and create a "geopolitical challenge" and a "geopolitical isolation" strategy. » It has rivals of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Horn of Africa.In the factor of "economic and geo-economic potentials of the Horn of Africa region", "geo-economy" is defined in the conceptual framework of geopolitics, Iran's "geo-political and geo-economic belonging" and a kind of "geo-political and geo-economic dependence" towards the Horn of Africa and the maritime spaces of this region to meet the needs in trade and economic exchanges with other countries using its maritime routes and optimal use of this geo-economic capacity by drawing and implementing a "geo-political strategy" can play a role in economic and commercial development and promotion of "geo-political weight" and creating "geo-political balance" with competitors beAnd finally, in the factor of "increasing the sphere of influence and territorialization", promoting the authentic teachings of the pure Islam of Muhammad (peace be upon him) and issuing the values ​​of the Islamic Revolution with the aim of helping governments and nations to strengthen their independence and confront the domination system of a specific "geopolitical code" of the republic. Iran is Islamic in foreign policy, and Iran is trying to influence and "territorialize", increase "geopolitical weight" and create "geopolitical balance" with rivals in the Horn of Africa, which have a geopolitical nature.In this framework, it seems that for Iran to make optimal and effective use of the geopolitical and geoeconomic capacities of the Horn of Africa region and to be more active in this region, it is necessary for the Islamic Republic of Iran to consider the following plans and strategies:Permanent and continuous military presence in the maritime spaces of the Gulf of Aden, the Strait of Bab al-Mandab and the Red Sea to protect the security of its sea routes and commercial ships;Establishing and developing relations with the coastal countries of the Horn of Africa, i.e. Somalia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Ethiopia in various political, economic, cultural, scientific and... dimensions;Efforts for regional cooperation and convergence, especially the formation of maritime alliances with friendly countries with common interests;Developing a targeted plan and strategy regarding presence and activity in Africa in general and the Horn of Africa in particular;Having an all-round readiness to deal with the threats and conspiracies of official and unofficial competing actors and enemies in the maritime and coastal areas of the Horn of Africa.

China has actively pursued health diplomacy in the post-Corona era. The current research investigates the goals, motives and functions of Chinese health diplomacy. China's motivation is politico-economic, its goal is soft power, and its function is economic-political advantages. This research follows a qualitative method and analytical-explanatory approach. Research data was collected from the press and digital sources. The findings show that China's health diplomacy, unlike during the Cold War, is no longer influenced by ideology, and that the country pursues economic-political targets. Beijing has used health diplomacy to promote its soft power in the world over the past three decades, especially after the global coronavirus outbreak. The United States and Europe’s negligence of Africa’s medical needs has led China to expand its health diplomacy in most African countries. The African demand for provide preventive equipment during the coronavirus outbreak, as well as the provision of vaccines in 2021, created unique opportunities for Beijing.

China, in the status of a peer competitor to the US, has recognized the need to reap the benefit of such power by using it in different parts of the world including the African continent; since Africa has always been one of China’s areas of interest throughout history. China has used Smart power to assert its position as one of the world's great powers in the foreign policy. With regard to the significance of this type of power in China’s policy towards Africa, this article, through mixed research, seeks to answer the following question: What are the tools employed by China to have an active presence in Africa? The research hypothesis is that, firstly, by stablishing close ties and a strong foothold in international organizations, secondly, by stiving at various levels of diplomacy including cultural, media and exchange to introduce its culture and values to the Continent, thirdly, by scientific, research and technological cooperation as one of main parts of mutual relation, fourthly, by close economic relation in fields of trade and investment, and finally, by performing an active role in improving development indexes including food security, infrastructure, healthcare and environmental protection, China has been able to have an active presence in the continent.

Turkey's developments from 2001 to 2018 have led officials and policymakers who found themselves in turbulent condition of economic crises, recession and accumulation of inflation in Turkey to see themselves trying to rethink principles. Accordingly, the main foundations of Turkish diplomacy changed from a Westernist strategy to a fluid diplomacy strategy based on the economy, and Africa became an integral part of the country's economic diplomacy policy. Turkey's economic diplomacy in Africa can now be regarded as a tool or a goal in the country's foreign policy. The main question of this article is "what are the goals, strategies and results of prioritizing economic diplomacy in Turkey's foreign policy in Africa?" In response to this question, the main hypothesis of this article is that Turkey needs a pragmatic foreign policy in the Ottoman-African civilization to increase its strategic depth. Therefore, a pragmatic view of foreign policy makes Africa the main base of its pragmatism policy. This article seeks to assess Turkey's economic performance in Africa in the post-Akp era led by Erdogan. The research method of this paper is descriptive-analytical considering its nature.

The new conditions of the international system have caused new components to play a role and countries to use new tools to achieve their goals and national interests, the most important of which can be the use of public diplomacy as a tool of soft power. Given that Africa has an important place in the foreign policy of countries, many countries, including China and Turkey, are trying to use the existing capacities on the continent to their advantage and through public diplomacy, the influence of soft power. The question now is how China and Turkey have been able to improve their public diplomacy in Africa. In the present study, first, with a descriptive-analytical approach and using library documents and sources, the analysis of public diplomacy between China and Turkey in Africa has been studied. Then, with systematic method and SWAT matrix analysis, an attempt has been made to present a strategy by examining the collected data, which is one of the innovations of the mentioned article. Therefore, the results indicate that China and Turkey have been able to have successful public diplomacy in Africa by using various cultural, economic, humanitarian, educational, etc. measures and increase their soft power influence on the continent by using offensive strategy.

Africa has received a lot of attention from China and America in recent years. By examining the soft and hard power used by these two countries in Africa, including activities in the fields of culture, politics, diplomacy, economics, and trade it is concluded that each of the powers is trying to increase their sphere of influence on this continent. In recent decades, using smart power has become one of the most important aspects of the foreign policy strategy of the great powers. In order to achieve their goals, Chinese and American's governments have taken effective steps to increase their influence and position in Africa. The main question of this study is: What is the place of using hard and soft power components and mechanisms in China and America's foreign policy towards Africa? In response to this hypothesis, a comparative-historical method is used to examine how the degree of overlap and balanced use of smart power tools and resources varies between China and America. The use of soft and hard power components by the two countries shows that China's elites in comparison with America, have been able to increase their position in Africa by creating harmony and balance use of smart power resources and tools without restrictions.

Along with the profound structural changes in China's political economy, its foreign assistance has rapidly increased to a wide range of countries, especially African societies, in the early years of the new century. This phenomenon, as well as many other phenomena associated with the "emergence of China," has sparked a lot of controversy about the motives and consequences of this transformation, which has not yet been addressed in our country. In this regard, the present paper, regardless of the implications of this evolution, examines its causes and context by referring to Beijing's motivations as donors and the needs of African societies as recipients in the context of the core question of the article. The hypothesis that the article examines by descriptive-analytic method is that the rapid increase of Chinese foreign aid to African countries in recent years is primarily due to the international requirements for responding to structural changes in China's domestic political economy and the alignment of the needs of African with Beijing foreign assistance. So, it can be predicted that the presence of China in the Africa will continue to increase in the coming years, and foreign aid will continue to be considered by Beijing officials as one of the main means for establishing this wider presence.

Africa’s 0 - 15 degrees of latitude North is one of the most Conflict regions in the world. Interfaith and religious Conflicts between followers of Islam and Christianity or between Religious groups with states are one of the types of conflicts in the region. The important point in examining conflicts, is pay attention to their roots. One aspect of this issue is the geopolitical analysis of these conflicts. The goal of this research is to explain the roots of interfaith and religious Conflicts in Africa’s 0 - 15 degrees of latitude North from a geopolitical point of view.

On the basis of purpose, the current study is considered to be a ‘Basic Research’. In terms of nature and method, is ‘descriptive’ and in terms of attitude, it is in the category of "descriptive-analytic" research. Gathering of data is done by documentary method and benefiting from a library resources. Data analysis method is qualitative.

Analysis of the roots of interfaith and religious Conflicts in Africa’s 0 - 15 degrees of latitude North and of the end of the Cold War (1991) shows that in this type of conflict, the mutual role of the elements of chr('39')politicschr('39'), chr('39')powerchr('39') and chr('39')geographychr('39') and the consequences of it are obvious and the conflicts are of a geopolitical nature.

Of the 29 countries of Africa’s 0 - 15 degrees of latitude North, 21 countries are involved in a variety of conflicts. In 7 countries, Somalia, Ethiopia, Sudan, Uganda, Central African Republic, Nigeria and Ivory Coast, 10 cases of "Interfaith and religious Conflicts" have happened and is happening. A deeper look at the causes of the conflict represents a role of geopolitics in their occurrence. The study has achieved 9 geopolitical factors for interfaith and religious Conflicts which are generalizable to other conflicts of this type in other parts of the world.

Using effective tools and methods to create a positive image of a country is an important issue in public diplomacy. Given that Africa is one of the strategic areas of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Iran has failed to make good use of this capacity and to succeed in the field of public diplomacy. This is important because the presence of competing countries with Iran in Africa has been instrumental in creating challenges for Iran on the continent and has given a security perspective to Iran's actions in Africa and Iran cannot succeed. The field of influencing African public opinion and promoting its goals and interests is doing better. Now the question arises: what is the effective strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran for the success of public diplomacy in Africa? In the present study, first, a descriptive-analytical approach, using library documents and resources, deals with the general diplomacy of Iranian diplomacy in Africa and the security outlook formed using the Copenhagen School. Then, using in-depth interviews (one of a series of surveys) with 20 experts in the field of Africa and public diplomacy, as well as using the Swat Matrix Analysis method, the data were analyzed. The results, therefore, imply that a reactive or rethinking strategy could weaken Iran's public diplomacy on the continent by weakening the security outlook on Iran's activities in Africa

Russia’s foreign policy towards the African Continent shows that Moscow is seriously working on expanding its relations with the African countries and exerting more influence on this continent. Vladimir Putin, in particular, is trying to make sure that Russia does not lag behind the existing widespread competition between major powers such as the United States of America, China, the European Union and even India with regards to being present in the African Continent, to reintroduce Russia as a superpower with an effective trans-regional and international performance and to rebuild ties with the continent. The first Russia-Africa Summit took place in the city of Sochi, Russia, on 23 and 24, October 2019, which was attended by heads of states from all over Africa as well as the leaders of key regional associations and organizations of a number of African countries and served as an opportunity for consolidating Russia’s footsteps in this continent. A number of deals to the tune of more than $ 12.5 billion were struck on the sidelines of the summit.
In the opinion of the Russian president, the African Continent has vast reserves of natural resources and manpower and is uniquely attractive, and Russia, with a long history of relationship with African countries, is considering the expansion of comprehensive political, economic and cultural relations with this continent. In this paper, efforts have been made to analyze, in a descriptive way, the Russian foreign policy and its new approach towards the African countries and their existing capacities and to examine the effects of this new approach on the expansion of cultural relations between the two sides.

Africa with many abundant political and economic capacities, has succeeded to attract the attentions of Chinese elites who placed their policy priorities on promotion of economic power as the centerpiece of their national power.The political, security and economic importance of Africa especially the concern for development of extremist violent activities and existence of threats including: Piracy, Human trafficking,.. provided the ground for the US to adopt a new strategy towards the continent. The purpose of this article is to examine the activities of China and areas of competition with the US in Africa.The main question: How has China's economic presence on the continent of Africa influenced the interests, goals and areas of American activities in the continent? and the research hypothesis is: China's expansion in Africa during the new century, along with the priority of non-military strategies on both sides on the continent, have caused the US and China's two-way vulnerability and susceptibility toward each other policies in Africa which drives Washington and Beijing towards cooperation and avoidance of any destructive competition. This research was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method.

The Islamic world is suffering from various crises in the current situation, and we have not spoken exacerbatedly if the prevailing strategic dominant position of the Islamic world is a destabilizing and inappropriate space in terms of sustainable development indicators. The purpose of this study is to present a model of the geopolitical crises of the Islamic world in the format of internal and international crises on two levels between the countries of the Islamic world and other countries. The research methodology is descriptive-analytic. The required information is collected using a library method and by referring to authoritative sources, books and articles. The main question of the research is which of the actors and at what level are involved in the crises of the Islamic world? The creation of a crisis at various levels throughout the Muslim world, especially in the Middle East and North Africa, has prevented the Islamic states from becoming powerful. Most of the geopolitical crises exist on the surface between the Islamic world countries, and secondly, between the West and the Muslim world. This point reflects the geopolitical interests of many Western countries in the Muslim world, which do not easily ignore this part of their national interests. The results of the research indicate that since the crises of the Islamic world have two internal and external origins and fields, and has spread to different levels and dimensions in this region, unfortunately in the current situation, a clear vision for reducing and resolving conflicts and going towards Islamic unity and coherence does not exist.

By utilizing its different soft powers aspects, the Chinese government is implementing a global progressive strategy, especially on the African continent. The presence of the Chinese on the continent of Africa is very pervasive, which can be attributed to the proper utilization of the negotiations results and the programs approved by the regular China-Africa Summits meetings along with the increasing wave of presence of Chinese governmental media and cultural institutions on this continent. The purpose of this research is to help Iranian decision makers to better understanding of China’s policy makings in Africa and its effects on the political and economic interactions with the continent which many of its capacities have been unknown for different sectors of our country. This paper while using the analytical data, information and documents published, by examining the China›s soft power components in Africa and its effects on the interactions of this country with the continent, tries to answer the following question: What is the soft power performance of China in Africa and what components does it have? The hypothesis used in this connection is that China uses its soft power components on the African continent including culture and educational-cultural exchanges, strengthening diplomatic presence, and the provision of financial and investment assistance in different parts of Africa, has succeeded in attracting positive view of public opinion and the support of African governments to continue cooperation with the country in order to create the proper context for pursuing its political and economic goals on the continent. This research shows that the Iranian officials’ approaches towards Africa and their expectations from this continent will be the basis for defining any mechanism and exploiting of soft power and its tools in line with the expected interests.

Due to its inherent geopolitical Specification and new Geo-economic components, Africa has become a strategic area for emerging powers to compete. As many analysts have called this century as the century of Africa. From this perspective, international activists (such as governments, multinational corporations, transnational corporations) are revising and designing their strategic policies and strategies with Africa. In the same framework, one of the main orientations and fundamental attitudes of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the international arena is the issue of developing relations and expanding relations with Africa and promoting the level of cooperation in various aspects of political, economic and cultural affairs with African actors. The question now is that Iran, which, according to its 1404 vision document, is seeking to play an effective role in acting as an active inspiration in the field of international relations, does have a pattern in its relationship with Africa? And what are the characteristics of Islamic-Iranian Patterns to Islamic relations with Africa? The research method is descriptive-analytic and based on qualitative method and data collection, written and online sources.

Israel's strategy in Africa is defined based on security and defense aspects. According to this strategy, the Zionist regime is strategically super sensitive about the Red Sea region. As stated by some strategic and military theorists, the Red Sea is the artery of Arabs' security; therefore, the Zionists have always tried to prevent this sea to become an Arabic sea through political and non-political methods. The Zionist regime has found its way into the African continent by founding companies in industry, farming, livestock and poultry farming, farming training, shipment, airline industry and so on and so forth. Tel Aviv has put fighting Islam at the head of its macro-strategic agenda in Africa and is supporting Jewish minorities in African countries in order to help them reach the power pyramid. To sum up, the Zionist regime's plans in the Green Continent are mainly of military and strategic nature, and Israeli experts sent to these countries supposedly as economic and cultural experts are in fact spies trying to collect information.