جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « fake news » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Fake news presents a complex regulatory challenge in the increasingly democratized and intermediated on-line information ecosystem. Inaccurate information is readily created by actors with varying goals, rapidly distributed by platforms motivated more by financial incentives than by journalistic norms or the public interest, and eagerly consumed by users who wish to reinforce existing beliefs. Yet even as awareness of the problem grew after the 2016 U.S. presidential election, the meaning of the term “fake news” has become increasingly disputed and diffused. This Article first addresses that definitional challenge, offering a useful taxonomy that classifies species of fake news based on two variables: their creators’ motivation and intent to deceive. In particular, it differentiates four key categories of fake news: satire, hoax, propaganda, and trolling. This analytical framework can provide greater rigor to debates over the issue. Next, the Article identifies key structural problems that make each type of fake news difficult to address, albeit for different reasons. These include the ease with which authors can produce user generated content online and the financial stakes that platforms have in highlighting and disseminating that material. Authors often have a mixture of motives in creating content, making it less likely that a single solution will be effective. Consumers of fake news have limited incentives to invest in challenging or verifying its content, particularly when the material reinforces their existing beliefs and perspectives. Finally, fake news rarely appears alone: it is frequently mingled with more accurate stories, such that it becomes harder to categorically reject a source as irredeemably flawed. Then, the Article classifies existing and proposed interventions based upon the four regulatory modalities catalogued by Larry Lessig: law, architecture (code), social norms, and markets. It assesses the potential and shortcomings of extant solutions. Finally—and perhaps most importantly—the Article offers a set of model interventions, classified under the four regulatory modalities, that can reduce the harmful effects of fake news while protecting interests such as free expression, open debate, and cultural creativity. It closes by assessing these proposed interventions based upon data from the 2020 election cycle.

Fake news has become a global problem on the one hand and a serious restriction on freedom of expression on the other hand. The works of fake news have threatened the right to freedom of expression and political participation in societies. The United Nations has taken measures and the European Union has first defined fake news and made policies and regulations based on it to overcome the news threats. These actions are not without problems; Because it interferes with the rules that guarantee freedom of speech as a fundamental freedom. By reviewing the existing laws and policies and analyzing the actions taken to fight fake news at the UN and EU level, this article concludes that the continuation of this process may lead to excessive censorship and, as a result, the violation of freedom of expression; Therefore, it is necessary to balance the border between fake news and lies within the framework of freedom of expression with a realistic view. In this article, how to legally and effectively deal with fake news is analytically researched by examining the documents, regulations of the United Nations and the European Union, and the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights.

In contrast to more traditional forms of cyberattack, cyber operations today target people within a society, influencing their beliefs as well as behaviors, and diminishing trust in the government. Islamic Republic of Iran adversaries now seeks to control and exploit the Social Media capacities to harm national interests, discredit public and private institutions, and sow domestic strife. This imperceptible operation represents a relatively novel and increasingly dangerous means of persuasion within social media. Thus, instead of attacking the military or economic infrastructure, state and non-state actors outside Iran can access streams of online information via social media to menace the social cybersecurity of Iran. This research study the quiddity of social cybersecurity and its differences with cybersecurity. Based on the results, social cybersecurity in terms of nature, tools, and goals is different from cybersecurity. Social media due to two important factors; “Decentralization” and “Physical presence not required” provide space for creation and spread Harmful content like fake news and threat social cybersecurity.

The legal approach countries employ to counter fake news at election times varies. In order to tackle this phenomenon, some countries have a general criminal and civil code. This is mainly due the absence of a law explicitly prohibiting fake news published on social media at election times. In some countries, election laws refer to a ban on broadcasting fake news, but other countries focus on fake news, and relay them on social media or websites. According to the Iranian General Election Policy, the destruction of candidates is illegal. Furthermore, under the label of defamation and spreading disinformation, criminal law has been used to tackle fake news in both parliamentary and presidential elections. Therefore using false headlines or statements in election campaigns or causing election disruption can be investigated. However, given the importance and impact of news on the fate of elections, it is necessary, especially in the case of online news sites or social media, which now play an increasingly greater role in elections, to broaden legal provisions in order to amend electoral laws or to enact special laws to counter fake news during the entire election process.

Today, with the development of new communication technologies, cyberspace has become a tool that has helped launch a variety of movements, demonstrations, crises and disturbances through the sharing of all kinds of products, communication and more. . Accordingly, this paper attempts to analyze and analyze the relationship between the use of (messaging) cyberspace and the tendency to disturb.

This research is a survey based on applied purpose. The statistical population consists of 384 young people from Sanandaj city who were selected through multi-stage cluster sampling. The method of collecting field information and its tool was a researcher-made questionnaire. The validity of the research was obtained through face validity and its reliability was estimated by Cronbach's alpha coefficient, which was higher than 0.70 for all independent and dependent variables.

Findings indicated a significant relationship between the use of cyberspace messages and the tendency for youth disturbances. Among the variables, increasing social demands with a coefficient of 0.976 had the most positive relationship, encouraging people with a coefficient of 0.964 to rank second, international support for protesters with a coefficient of 0.950, magnifying and nationwide demonstrating a coefficient of 0.931. Fourth, blackout and induction of widespread corruption in the country with a coefficient of 0.890 and fifth with the false and rumor coefficient of 0.829 had the least relationship with the tendency to disturb among the youth in Sanandaj.