جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « historical sociology » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Indigenous modernity in the historical sociology of Iran has always been one of the important and focal issues and different definitions and descriptions of this concept have been presented. The abundance of such descriptions has made these concepts, to a large extent, turn into abstract and undefined categories. In the following article, the authors try to provide a comparative and critical plan of the content of the works of two scholars in the field, Abbas Milani (1328-H.) and Mohammad Tawakli Targhi (1336-H.), while examining the category of indigenous modernity; Milani and Tavakoli Targhi are among those who believe in indigenous modernization in Iran. For this reason, we will review various aspects of their thought in the following lines by reading their texts so that we can at least explain the evolution of this concept to these two authors and answer this question: How these two thinkers consider the result of modernity as a native continuity in line with Iran's historical-cultural developments and not as an imported development from the western world.

The literature on revolution has gone through four theoretical waves in explaining diverse revolutions. Although these waves belong to different terms, all of them have essentialist ontology and they are seeking to find impressive attributes in breaking out and prospering incidents. The precedent for bringing revolutions into focus in Historical Sociology (HS) turns to Brinton Moor, Charles Tilly, and ThedaSkocpol endeavors that by concentrating on structure and interior causation paid less attention to exterior conditions; but their works broke the closed-loop and made a weak relation between revolutions and international. However their manners in methodological point of view were closely connected with previous theoretical waves; since from HS perspective, the revolutions are stemmed from accumulated incidents which are made from social relations within a supranational context. The object of the current work is to examine the evolution of the international factor in revolution theories in the light of historical sociology theorists. According to the findings, the international factor has gone through three major evolutions in the insight of historical sociology theorists. First, in the 70s, from a structural point of view, it refers to the influence of the international system on revolutions. Second, the international factor enters the text from the margins of the relevant literature, and the inter-state perspective is highlighted; in the transition to the third step, not only inter-state communication is considered, but the inter-social attitude and the relations between the people and the network.

The subject of this paper is to explain the situation of hejab/Bi-hejab in contemporary Iran; whose main issue refers to the current situation of Iranian society. In the sense that the expansion in the scope and number of women and girls who are not compatible with the Islamic hejab can be explained. In this strategy, reality is studied in the light of theory and a kind of theory testing is done; the causal mechanisms in the theory are traced in the studied reality. we came to the conclusion that the general Bi-Hejabi common in current Iran It cannot be a dialectical result arising from the policies of the Islamic Republic. At the same time, the emergence of the Internet and the expansion of social networks in recent decades in Iran cannot be the basis of the answer to the problem analyzed in this research. It seems that a part of Iranian women have been moving towards westernization in terms of clothing since the era of “Naser al-Din Shah”; And what we are witnessing today can be the result of the said ongoing process so far. In general, this paper shows that Elias' theory of civilization has an acceptable efficiency in analyzing the behavior patterns of Iranians and revealing the hidden logic behind their changes. As a result, this article, while strengthening Elias's theory, confirms and suggests its application in the analysis and analysis of related issues in the context of Iranian society.

Iran-US relations entered a period of tension and conflict after the Islamic Revolution. A set of historical causes and their outcome at the time of the Iranian revolution provided the conditions for differences between the two countries. Over the past four decades, the United States has used a variety of tools to moderate or curb the Islamic Republic's regional and global behaviors and policies, one of which is sanctions. The imposition of these sanctions during different periods of the US presidency, according to the approach of the president-elect, has had its strengths and weaknesses. In the present study, using the two basic functions of the historical sociological method, namely "understanding the present" and "understanding how it evolved and changed", we first study the history of sanctions imposed on Iran and then present three levels of differences. (Theoretical, historical and strategic), the historical causes of these conflicts are examined. These levels are: 1) the historical background and roots of the conflict between the two countries 2) the intellectual and ideological background 3) the strategic and political differences.

The main objective of this article is to describe and analyze the mechanism of establishment of the Iranian States between the Seljuks' formation and the Qajar dynasty's end. The article is based on a critique of the two theories of Oriental Despotism and Orthodox Marxism; It seeks to provide a different perspective to explain the process of establishing the state in Iran by using Ibn Khaldoun's discussions about the conflict between primitive and Civilized communities. Based on this, the article believes that the pattern of state establishment in traditional Iran will be understood when this process is placed in the context of the fundamental conflict of Iranian history between tribal groups and sedentary communities. With such a basis, the article's point of view is that the model of the establishment of the traditional state should be analyzed in terms of the centrality of tribes as state-building actors. The findings of the article show that among the multitude of tribes inside and outside the Iranian plateau, some tribes, due to the emergence of charismatic leaders among them, succeeded in overcoming the division inherent in tribal life and forming a coalition that was the product of a "great Asabiyyah". Conquering through force and compromising through the promise of sharing in the spoils were two central factors in the joining of the tribes to this coalition. Charismatic leaders took the great Asabiyyah in the tribal alliance beyond the limited attitude of scattered looting and turned it towards conquering different regions. This process established the initial and unstable form of the tribal state, one that becomes an imperial state in its next evolution.

In the plethora of countries of the Middle East, the entity that nowadays is known as the modern state seriously is different from the primary pattern that has been shaped within more than three centuries in West Europe. One of the signs of the modern state is the exclusive use of physical force by the political authority; this point in the European pattern was formed by the process of bargaining between social forces and statesmen. While the active social forces in the modern Middle East had so little role in institutionalizing physical forces in the state’s hands. Now, the matter is that why the state-making process and consolidating procedure of state exclusive on the physical forces in the mentioned regions (West Europe and the Middle East) had a different history. It seems the role of international actors in shaping the Middle East modern state has caused that most part of the regional states is relied on despotic power rather than infrastructure power. The first is focused on social trends and the latter is based on coercion. This work intends alongside pointing to the rival perspectives on the emerging modern state within Historical Sociology as an analytical framework, to study the roots of the emerging modern state in the current Middle East behind the Historical Sociology of International Relations (HSIR) lenses.

The relationship between identity and regional order became important in the years following the Cold War and the internationalization of ethnic conflicts. Since the end of the bipolar system, identityism has led to instability in governments and intensified regional and international security efforts in various parts of the world, including the Middle East, the Caucasus, and the Balkans. These developments have focused the actions of identity-oriented groups and their impact at the transnational level on researchers and policy makers.The present study specifically seeks to answer the question of what effect the action of the identity forces of the Middle East on the formation and evolution of patterns of regional order? The identity groups have been key players in the Middle East security environment, influencing patterns of regional order by weakening or transforming the structure of governments and forming regional and international coalitions.key words: Middle East, regional order, identity, Identity groups.

"Iran, a Short-Term Society" is an interpretation given by Homayoun Katozian in his works, which in his own words indicates the old ageof society. This interpretation refers to a historical rupture rather than coherence. This view can be explained in a specific logic and framework which begins with "Iranian tyranny" and goes on to discuss the "contradiction between state and nation" and the "short-lived society" or "old society." Explaining the short-term view of Iranian society, Katozian addresses three categories: the problem of legitimacy and succession, the invalidity of life and property, and the problem of accumulation and development; His view on the centrality of politics implies other dimensions and the whole of society.This article seeks to critically evaluate the perspective of the short-term society from the perspective of "Iranian identity", which emphasizes historical continuity; Components such as Iranian-Islamic ideas, geographical land and Iranian political system, Persian language and literature, tradition, custom, religion and culture, etc are prominent as long-term and long-standing Iranian heritage that are reflected in the theory of Iranian identity. The problem is where that the common circle of cooperation between politics and the people in normal times (authoritarian) and critical (chaos). this article, critically evaluates the short-term and pervasive view of Iranian society, history, and politics.

For several years, corruption news has been heard from Iranian government agencies, a type of intra-group relationships in power structure in which members of each political faction act against the public interest and for their benefit and other members of their group. On the other hand, cooperation on bribery and ransom with the public and agents at the lower levels of the country's executive system has developed in recent years, so that the perception of corruption in the country in recent years has decreased in comparison with the other countries in the region. Systematic corrupt practices in the power structure and in the interactions of agents with citizens and a kind of cultural relations referring to as the "culture of pessimism" have always existed in a stable manner in the Iranian society as if there were no way out. Therefore, this article tries to obtain a new and, of course, historical understanding of the financial relations between the government and the people from a historical sociology point of view. In this regard, valid historical documents and secondary analyses have been used. Moreover, for a good observation of the historical evidence, a conceptual model has been designed to better explain the relationships of the components of the observed events. In designing this model, the views of theorists such as Elias, Gambetta and Tilly have been used for a conclusion based on the best explanation. The research findings show that in the points of interaction of government agents with citizens, a set of financial relations with strictness, corruption and pessimism prevailed, which did not follow any ritualized codes.

The present paper seeks to measure the contribution and influence of Rentier state elite as the forces of historical institution in determining the current political and economic structures of Iran. Why the Islamic Revolution of Iran, which claimed a new political and economic system and made changes in all fields; couldn't change the political economy of the country and the structure of the political economy continued to move forward? in other words, what forces or phenomena continued to move the post-revolutionary states, especially the constructive and reformist governments (1368-1384), on the path of the rentier and educated state? research findings obtained using the combined framework of historical institutionalism and historical sociology and the Rantierian government, shows that the process of formation of Pahlavi state institutions was influenced by the influx of oil dollars This has led to the emergence of specific institutional oil practices in this government and after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the presence of forces dependent on the previous order in the new order and the emergence of crises, as well as the pressure exerted by social and political forces on the elite choices of decision-makers in the constructive moments cause choice the pattern "Wa Depending on the course of the journey " by these forces as a result, the institutional framework of the oil state, including budget, exchange, private sector, community, and oil production, developed during the Pahlavi era; It was transferred to the constructive and reformist governments, which made the rentier state survive.

Dual trends in social action and institutional forms are never fully resolved in one direction As a result, and ultimately, social structure must be seen as a fundamentally open and open subject. As the issue of political duels continues to wake up in today's Iranian society.From the nineteenth century onwards, Iranian society has been a quintessential character, embedded in an ontological and epistemological valuation. On this basis, the selected data, based on the method of historical sociology - "The strategy of using concepts to understand social history" by applying the relation of "self and other" concepts in Martin Buber's theory in the modern period of Iranian political tradition (period patrimonialism, era The constitution and the Pahlavi period are discussed. The findings can be verified in the context of a geometric analysis model derived from the "I-you" and "I-it" relationships; Consequences of the interaction of the "I-you" relationship include the "acceptance" paradigm, such as: the interactive interaction of the dual area of society and religion in Iran during the period of patrimonialism, And the "deconstruction" pattern, such as: refining and refining the notions of couplehood and presence; as the common constitutional dual. The communication implications of the "I-IT" relationship also include the "contrast" pattern, such as the confrontation of religious and customary matters, As the constitution is being drafted and amended, The Dual of Revolutionary Practice and Reformist Thought in the Second Pahlavi Period. The pattern of "rejection of both meanings", such as the dual rejection of religion and ideology in the Pahlavi era and the attempt to find a third way.This research sought to find Iran's dual historical contexts and structures, Provide context for presenting patterns of current dual mentalities such as Utopianism / Realism; Reformism / Fundamentalism; Inaction / Intolerance ... To provide the political stability in Iran today.

The new middle class is a city-oriented, academic, and participatory social force that has become the center of gravity of socio-political developments in a process of formation, within or outside the body of government. The research question is, how has the mobilization of new middle class voting resources for electoral participation (1-3) in Iran?
The hypothesis and findings of the study will show that the group claims to have the political power and challenge to access sovereignty resources through tools and practices such as mass media, political parties and political leaders' speeches. The new middle class, in the context of collective action with its intellectual allies, mobilizes its resources to infiltrate government and sovereignty. This paper attempts to answer the research question by using Charles Taleil's theory of resource mobilization and by historical method within a given time and by secondary findings.

It was expected in the light of Arab Uprisings that the authoritarian regimes gave way to the democratic ones and this changing had led to raising the potent states. But, it was resulted in forming the incapable state within the Arab republics and consolidating regime of the oil-rich monarchies. On the one hand, shaping failed states in Syria and Yemen put the Middle East regional system on the verge of collapsing. On the other hand, quelling protests by Saudi and Bahrain regimes showed that in these societies there is not any organic relation between authorities and crowd. By and large, the modern state not only bears central authority in the home but is the first actor in the international milieu. It has a significant role in keeping order within the country and forming the balance of power in the international realm. Therefore, by taking more information about the quality of relationship between the Arab uprisings and state as an entity one makes more perception over the Middle East international relations. This essay seeks to comprehend the impressions of Arab uprisings on the state that went through changes. Again, this work is tried to study this relation through the Historical Sociology of International Relations (HSIR)' lenses.

The main body of academic literature on Historical Sociology of International Relations (HSIR) is divided into two parts. The first part is produced by the scholars who are trying to enrich this theory as an eclectic approach. The second part relies on the researchers who are seeking to provide a meaningful interpretation of political incidents by connecting the interior and exterior levels of analysis and making the role of international setting inflated. The international system as a phenomenon that stems from the social relations, in this context, is affected by the striking variables that are based on both internal and international milieus. This research paper intends to go beyond the mainstream approach in IR which relies on level of analyses such as power, security, economics, identity, and so forth by drafting an especial theoretical approach in order to explain the international system in the HSIR context. The authors, furthermore, believe that the international system is a social phenomenon that includes a wide variety of relations from the sub-national level to the international tendencies.         

Patriarchy has certain theoretical foundations in the thought of classical and modern theorists such as Plato, Machiavell, Thomas Hobbes and Hegel, which can be expressed by the conditions of traditional societies. Additionally, Arab patriarchy by benefiting from the historical and social traditions of Arab societies such as "Tribe, Belief, Trophy" has evolved as the strongest channel for transferring and preserving the power in these societies. Arab patriarchy by gaining a vast amount of wealth from oil has succeeded in the repetition of the belief in trophy in the tribal stratification of these societies, which is their largest social structure. Meanwhile, it has also succeeded in creating the idea of patriarchy in an Arab individual’s mentality through cultural reproduction. Moreover, it has taken action in forging and reversal of patriarchy upon encountering globalization or any impulses like that which could be effective in shaking the basis of patriarchy, by using and producing welfare technocracy and increasing welfare in eliminating the state of individual’s subjectivity, pre-purchasing the goods and community’s political demand.

This paper is an attempt to examine, with narrative explanation technique, the notion of the “other” in the history of Iran’s foreign relations from the perspective of Historical Sociology in International Relations. It covers the historical period following the founding of the Safavid state in 1502 A.D. through the first decade of the Islamic Republic (1989 A. D.). From the perspective of how the “other” is perceived, Iran’s foreign relations are divided into three periods; in the Safavid period, it is the internal events that affect the way the “other” is perceived. In the Qajar and Pahlavi eras, however, it is the external developments that shape the way the “other” is seen. In the Islamic Republic, it is both the internal and external events that affect this perception of the “other” in the country’s foreign relations. Based on the above, it is suggested that the perception of the “other” in Iran’s foreign relations goes through the phases of emergence, transformation, and establishment within a framework of a chain of narratives regarding internal and external developments. In this process, one should also consider the role of human beings, and the main decision-making actors and their influence on the perception of the “other”. It is suggested that during the Safavid period, it is the inter-religious conflicts vis-à-vis the Sunni Ottoman Empire that shape the perception of the “other”. This perception was transformed during the Qajar and Pahlavi eras in confrontation with major colonial powers of the 19th century and continued during the Cold War era. Finally, it reached its peak and was institutionalized in the first decade of the Islamic Republic.To sum up, affected by the internal and the external events, the “other” evolves from the construction phase to the establishment phase in the history of Iran’s foreign relations.

What is the role or roles of theory in historical political researches? This article tries to answer this question. While behaviorists and postmodernist, each in their own ways, define narrowly the role of theory in historical political research or reduce its role to some aspects, this article by using analytical method, specifies that political theory in historical research has at least five main roles. Accordingly, the article makes clear that theories can play some roles such as a guide for selecting the facts of the research, as a purpose of the research, as a toolkit of the research, as a disputed subject of the research and finally as a casual articulation of the research. Unlike other approaches, firstly, the article emphasizes that the role of the theory in historical political research is diverse and plural ones. Secondly, minimal or reductive vision of the role of theory in political research should be abandoned in favor of the vision that suggests theories have multiple and diverse roles. This means that historical political researches invite political science authors to redefine the role of theory in political researches far more extensive than before.

By analytical methods and verification sources, we interpreted that the nature and function of government can be analayzed "government as take over" via reorganization of a historical statements. By Referring to historical statements, this approach will prove because the Seljuks in the beginning of his rule paved by sword and dominance on Iran, have not has non-Iranian origin and despite the deployment of Iranian bureaucrats, administrative elite lost their lives in a power struggle.
Design/Methodology/Approach: In the structure of political power and its relations with society and the nature of government in Nizam al-Mulk era can be rotated on the principle of centralization of power mostly nature's owner named Malik- al roqab. The problem of my article is: Why and by affected of which Components created the socio-cultural and political power relations with productive forces of society in the era of Nizam al-Mulk? Discuss the issue and approach research questions based on the pattern of historical sociology. Our goal in this context is relation between reason on the behavior and performance of the state of Nizam al-Mulk with the theoretical approach as a takeover of government affairs. The objective is to evaluate the performance of the network and power relations, and behaviors by examining the behavior of ruling the state of Nizam al-Mulk by using of micro analysis.
Findings: 1. they were dominated a model of production which were based on nomadic life, developed land authorization pattern, dropped the possibility of accumulation of capital and its circulation in spite of economic development and expansion of land under significant. So, there were not stages of evolution and mutations at this point in history. In fact, all of great events that occurred only within a closed circle which was controlled by government. Government was strengthen by adopting and Arbab- Farmhouse in economic, social and political scene. Centralized state caused by Nizam al-Mulk took advantage of the situation to institutionalize its dominance but for transition to constitutional change didnt occur a mutation making 2. At Nizam al-Mulk period, despite of traditional distribution of power in the subsidiary states of Empire reproduced the absolute nature of the state and its model of soverign sustained in the administration scene. The main factor which rebuilds it was the emphysis on Justice Component means preserving the existing balance of power around Sultan. The balance of justice asserts that anyone stay in their place.
Originality/ Value: this article concluded that historical sociology of state and ite relation with social structure and production model at Nizam-al Molk era showed us that some elements prevented in evaloution of economical structure despite of huge action and acts in this sphere. Primacy of justices on freedom have the main role of Prevent the development and mutation.

Mainstream sociology under positivism has sought to provide universal theory، in one hand، and the historiography has attempted to Narrative description of Events، in the other hand. Pathological studies show that both are suffering from extremism; so that mainstream sociology have neglected to study of special affairs and historiography has not been able to build and provide theoretical generalization. In The passing of the problems، combining sociology and historiography can provides an appropriate methodological approach to study of social and political phenomena، especially in comparative studies. In this paper، along with addressing the development of historical sociology approach، It is argued that the achievements of the new generation of historical sociology scholars، because of emphasis on the role of culture and diversity of modernization processes and outcomes، provides an appropriate model for the study of the socio-political phenomena

Historical sociology in International Relations (HSIT) is a sufficient vehicle which one can focus on history. This view can overcome deficiencies of the rationalist perspective، and in other hand، could be considered as a progressive phase in the reflectivist perspective to history in the IR. By continuing social turn، indeed، one can see the historical turn in the IR. In this context، HSIR can provide useful implications for re-imagining historical turn. In this article، recalling history and reflecting epistemological and methodological modes، I focus on the four fields، including patterned relations، internal/external dynamics، agent/ structure effects، narrative explanation، and therefore re-imagine historical turn in the IR، based on the historical sociology.