جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "pierre bourdieu" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

of the failure of the Constitutional Revolution in bringing about change in the political structure of Iranian society. Among the existing literature, what has been paid less attention and even neglected is an analysis of the objective conditions of society, institutions and socio-political forces in Iranian society on the eve of the Constitutional Revolution. This has led some writers to provide an abstract and non-concrete analysis of the reasons for the failure of the Constitutional Revolution. Using the ideas of Pierre Bourdieu and examining the objective conditions of Iranian society on the eve of the Constitutional Revolution, the authors have come to the conclusion that "the failure of the Constitution was due to the lack of forces to defend the ideas of the revolution objectively, concretely and more importantly." Due to the nature of the subject, library and documentary methods have been used for data collection and qualitative analysis method has been used for data analysis. In terms of the nature of this research, it is descriptive and historical

The aim of this study is to explain the role of cultural capital of the traditional middle class in their hegemonisation over other political groups during the formation of the Islamic Revolution using Pierre Bourdieu's theory of field and capital. Methodologically, it is a causal study that uses library methods to gather information. The central question of the research is that "What cultural assets did the traditional middle class use in the field of competition to be hegemonic over other political groups during the formation of the Islamic Revolution from 1978 to 1981, and how were these resources and capital used?". The results Indicate that the traditional middle class during the formation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran through the proper use of various cultural and symbolic capitals such as historical and communicative capitals, the charismatic role of Imam Khomeini, ideology (religion), a large network of clerics, mosques, Social and cultural authority was able to defeat other rivals and gain a hegemonic position in the structure of political power.

The clergy have always had a high position in Iranian society due to having various cultural, symbolic, social and economic capitals. Although this position was established after the officialization of the Shia religion in the Safavieh period,but it has been accompanied by ups and downs in later periods. In order to investigate this issue the present research examines the capital of the clergy in Safavieh and Qajar periods from a historical and comparative perspective, using Pierre Bourdieu's theory. In this regard, the following question has been asked: What has changed with the arrival of the Qajar period of the clerical capital in relation to the Safavieh era? Further, it is hypothesized that given the beginning of modernization and the establishment of reforms in various fields during the Qajar period, it seems that the traditional capital of the clergy have been affected by these developments and weakened. To answer the research question, the cultural, symbolic, social and economic capital of clergy in the Safavieh and Qajar period have been reviewed and compared. in the Safavieh period, Shiite clerics enjoyed a high status in the society by taking various capitals, which encountered serious challenges as they entered the period of reform and modernization in the Qajar government. The present study has analyzed and compared the capitals of the clergy in these two periods with a comparative approach and by collecting resources in a library way.

Examine the role of social forces in the political developments of the major issues in society, political sociology is. Including the distinct social classes is that the analysis L function group for their social and political role. Among the social divisions, the role of the traditional middle class has always been taken into account in the political and social developments of Iran. Theoretical framework for analyzing the traditional middle class, capital of Pierre Bourdieu's theory is to try to have relationships with social class considered capital and suggests that the traditional middle class during the formation of the Islamic Revolution through the Proper operation of the enterprise in various economic, social, political, and cultural and symbolic able to win another competitor and hegemonic role in the political power structure. In this study, for collecting information, library and field and questionnaires were used .The population consisted of professional managers and experts in the field of political developments in Iran are. For paired comparison and ranking of criteria and sub -criteria, techniques (ANP) On the Software Applications Super Decisions Has been used. The results showed that the four main criteria identified capital of the traditional middle class during the formation of the Islamic Revolution, a measure of capital of cultural and symbolic capital has the greatest weight was found after the political of social capital and economic rank next in this investigation are.

The main issue of this article is to recognize how social space affects the performance of the first term of the Islamic Consultative Assembly. This article looks at developments in this period with a view to drawing a picture of the performance of parliament. Prior literature on examining the performance of legislative assemblies has looked more at the institutional or structural approach. But here the legislative assemblies are drawn in an environment full of relationships between diverse positions, individuals, groups, and institutions. In this article, using the concept of "Pierre Bourdieu", especially the concept of "social space" and " Performance " and related concepts such as field, legitimate query, doxa, habitus and capital related concepts, the performance of the first term of the Islamic Consultative Assembly is explained. To this end,we used qualitative methods such as thematic analysis.The analysis of the findings showed that Using interpretive and thematic analysis in data analysis, the ideology of the Islamic Revolution as a popular belief in the field of power was how to form a legitimate question in the political field, elections, and parliament, and the production centers of belief , especially Islamism revolutionary and the moderate reformism brought together On this basis, Even more questions were raised by the ruling class in the political, electoral, and parliamentary fields, and the answers were either affirmed or rejected in close proximity to the center of power. Islamic, revolutionary, and expedient nationalism reproduced power, political, and electoral conflicts.

Taliban is subject of a current which happened in political and social geopolitics of Afghanistan in the last decade of the twentieth century, and their astonishing the aggressive, dogmatic, and dogmatic attitudes staggered the world. Taliban was apparently destroyed by US military intervention after it came to power in Afghanistan, but recently this current has returned to the political arena of Afghanistan and now it has again restored part of Afghanistan's territory. The research question is about why and how to reproduce the Taliban's power. Undoubtedly, this return will be accompanied with a wide range of negative regional and international consequences, which will doubled the necessity of doing the research. According to the hypothesis, the reproduction of the Taliban's power is influenced by both internal and external factors which led to the relationship between them and habit formation. The methodology of this research is of a qualitative and library type and Bourdieu's conceptual construction theory is used as a theoretical framework. Findings of the research also indicate that many Pashtun peoples' habituals, as the Taliban's intellectual and practical waterspire, are reproducing themselves, and since issues such as monopoly of political rule in the Pashtun folk, according to relationships, have become the commonplace of these people, therefore Reproduction of political structure and power is a reality.

The purpose of the present research is to investigate the historical, cultural, symbolic, social and economic capitals of the clerical class up to the Islamic revolution and compare it with the period of the Islamic rule formation by clerics using Pierre Bourdieu's theory. In this regard, the following question has been posed: What changes have occurred in the capital of clergy in various social fields (based on Bourdieu's school of thought) after the Islamic Revolution? To answer this question, various clerical capitals from Safavid period to the victory of the Islamic Revolution have been investigated. Traditionally, the functions of this class, such as education, training, judging, legitimizing governments, and holding ceremonies and religious rituals were informal and non-governmental, and based on the duties and obligations of clerics. The reason for the influence and legitimacy of their words among the masses as well as their economic revenues is also because of these same functions. From the constitutional period, and especially during the Pahlavi dynasty, their capitals were under threat. The efforts of the clergy to restore their lost capital were actualized with the victory of the Islamic Revolution. But taking over the power, significant changes occurred in the function of these capitals, most notably the tendency of the clergy shifted from cultural capital to economic capital, which poses potential threats to this class. The present study intends to investigate the changes occurred in the capital of the clergy after taking power through critical and pathological approaches, presenting suggestions and strategies in this direction.

Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002) is the most prominent figure in the French sociology that put an end to the hegemony of social action and structuralize theories in the field of sociology. He propounded Structural Constructivist Theory of politics through dialectical relationships between "fields" and "habits". Bourdieu's broad socio-anthropological and interrelation approach to power stands as opposed to the traditional academic political science discipline which emphasizes on the actual and objective operation of the political institutions (one of the legacies of the behavior list school) as well as on the more visible aspects of governing operations (elections, laws, policies, parties, etc). By contrast, Bourdieu as a sociologist and anthropologist approached the topic of power by stressing the social and cultural bases of power at the micro-as well as macro- levels. Naturally, this complicated view may not neglect analyzing electoral and democratic politics as doxa (dominated common belief) in political filed.
Based on his critical view to current electoral democracies, Bourdieu emphasizes that delegation of power and political representation, despite the presence of the media and the press, inevitably leads to usurpation and manipulation of democracy. What does Bourdieu suggests as an alternative to representative democracies as a dominated doxa in political field?
Bourdieu propounds the idea of "Real Democracy" which includes different dialectical categories as an alternative way to democratization of democracy in current societies.