جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "political mobilization" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

The transition to democracy has now become one of the most important topics in political studies. transition literature has been more historical and descriptive, and by creating a large number of variables and possible combinations, it has made it difficult to reach an understanding of predictability or logical consistency, or the meaning of a general dynamic pattern. The analysis of social and political phenomena requires setting up a suitable theoretical framework, and choosing the most suitable theory among existing theories or theory construction is one of the important stages of scientific research. The present article is an attempt to expand and create the field of application of one of the great theoretical devices in the political studies of revolutions to analyze the process of transition to democracy. The claim of the current research is that the capacities available in the theory of political mobilization provide the possibility for the researcher to organize the entire process of transition to democracy from the failure of the previous authoritarian system to the establishment and stabilization of democracy in a systematic theoretical model.

Gaining power by the Justice and Development Party with a democratic and pragmatic face was a new voice in Turkey's political environment which managed to reflect and represent the real issues of the society and be popular with the public. However, since 2013, the ruling Justice and Development Party has transformed from a popular quasi-democratic political party to an exclusionary populist party; In a way that most theorists of populism, many analysts of Turkish issues, as well as writers of prominent news media such as Guardian, Bloomberg, New York Times and Foreign Policy, called Erdogan and his party "populist". Accordingly, the current research, by using the theoretical framework of populism, especially the ideas of people like Kurt Wieland, Robert Barr, Kenneth Roberts, and Pappas, in the form of "populism as a political strategy", tries to answer this main question that what the causes of Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party's tendency towards populism were in the last decade; And how did Erdoğan utilize populism to achieve his desired goals? The findings show that, in the last decade, relying on populist tools and positions such as the foreign status of political actors, anti-establishment attraction, personal ties, unorganized mobilization, etc., Erdogan has artistically used populism as a "political project to build and maintain power" for himself and his party. The research approach is political sociology, qualitative research method, causal explanation type and data collection method, library, and also using virtual resources.

This study seeks to analyze, with a qualitative method and thematic analysis, the political behavior of individuals in a social unit in response to the economic behavior of the State. Governments, as influential institutions, communicate with individuals, families, and society. Any strategy by these political units implies a response from other external spheres. People in society often react to the behavior of governments, especially in the economic sphere. Especially if this government interferes with normative implications such as justice. The economic activities of governments are essentially aimed at promoting justice. According to the findings, The Gini coefficient decreases in areas where financial resources have been driven. Considering the decrease in the Gini coefficient in rural areas in the time period mentioned and increasing equality and justice in these areas, a kind of political action took place in the form of political mobilization that emerged as social capital for the established state. This representation, especially in the 10th Presidential Election, has been identified as the result of this socialization and promotion of social capital as a political and objective consequence of the expansion of small enterprises in rural areas.

Methods of political mobilization by Takfiri groups in Syria
The prerequisite of political action by every group or social movement is an access to various resources, especially human resources. Accordingly Takfiri groups of Syria and Iraq as a powerful and influential groups could attract several people from all over the world and mobilized them quickly for achievement of their goals. This article by adopting descriptive-analytical method, focuses on this main question: what are the main methods of mobilization of Takfiri groups? The findings show that these groups, via strategic vision and tactical opportunism and by representation and drawing of mythical society satisfying all human needs such as welfare, identity, and in-world and other-world salvation, based upon ideological, economic, sexual and combination of hard and soft power, could attract fighters from the whole world and secured their power till now.

Given the decisive leadership role of Imam Khomeini in formation and victory of Iranian Islamic Revolution, identification and explanation of his campaign strategy that won popular support, considered so important. In this article, Charles Tilly theory about political mobilization of opponent groups against sovereignty has been used to explain this subject and role and function of four mentioned factors in political mobilization of Iranians including ideology, leadership, organization and the people has been discussed. Furthermore, the implementation of two competitive strategy of political mobilization of the people - Strategy of armed struggle as well as reformist campaign strategy- studied before victory of Islamic revolution and the reason of their failures as well as the logic of Imam Khomeini opposition to them were articulated. The main hypothesis of this article is that Imam Khomeini campaign strategy is political mobilization of the people during the Islamic revolution. The efficiency of this strategy has been proven not only because of victory of Islamic revolution, but also in comparison with other revolutions in world.

In the paper, it has been intended to survey Imam Khomeini and Dr. Ali Shari`ati`s roles in revolutionary mobilization comparatively. Islamic Revolution of the year 1357, called as great miracle of the century, led to appearance of great ideologists in the field of mobilizing of revolution of whom these two persons are clearly appear. On authors` proofs, Imam Khomeini`s role in the field has been rather more extended to that of Ali Shari`ati and, contrary to the claim of some outstanding scholars of the revolution viewing the latter as the main ideologist of revolutionary thought, the former`s role, including all peoples in every class and group has been of no example. It has been shown that Imam`s discourse during the period before revolution and after it, has been dominant; while that of Shari`ati has been limited to academic and enlighenment circles and, therefore, more limited.

The Islamic revolution of Iran is the result of the abruption of the hidden forces in Iran’s sociopolitical base that started its stack since the constitution’s era. This revolution would not get its results without Imam Khomeini’s un-substitutive leadership. This writing is about to investigate the bases of leadership and management of Imam Khomeini on the Islamic revolution and its other-making and antagonism with the adversary discourses, liberal (national- religious) and left. According to the hypothesis, the quality of using the social, political and discursive elements in Imam Khomeini’s political thought and practice was so that could in the shade of the marginalizing other discourses and prominenting its discourse gain the most availability and reliability, and also, introduce the Islamist discourse as the hegemon discourse in the Islamic revolution process. As a result, Imam Khomeini’s discourse in the Islamic revolution and in the process of the people’s political mobilization and the realization of the revolution from the elitist groups and the elites of the national and left movement has played an important role because of its political solidarity, accordance with the social conditions, the thought and creed tendencies of the people and their historical background and the existence of the powerful and religious institutions.

From the very beginning, mosques have turned into an inalienable part of Muslim life and continued its function in later historical periods, something which has not been the subject of but a few individual works. Therefore, mosques need to be more investigated to grasp their all-inclusive role especially in the important events such as Islamic revolution. Thus the question is still: what functions had mosques had in the political mobilization leading to the victory of Islamic revolution? Probably long credibility of mosques and their correspondence with social culture and beliefs have turned them into revolutionary organizations such that in comparison with modern civil organizations, mosques took over such organizations. This article is aimed at first expressing unparalleled importance of mosques and then mentioning their being institutions in historical events especially in Shiite society. It is only possible through a descriptive analysis to achieve this end. Highlighting the necessity of mosque's role in the preservations of developments they have created themselves is among the findings of this paper.

This article mainly focuses on how and with the aid of what media Islamic revolution's leadership spread revolution's ideology among the masses and when necessary he mobilized and organized people. To address this question McLuhan's classification of media into hot and cool has been applied to study the influence of media by Imam Khomeini and acceleration of Islamic revolution's victory. Having analyzed media used by revolution's leaders especially Imam Khomeini and having compared them to characteristics mentioned by McLuhan in his classification of media into hot and cool, we can figure out revolution leaders especially Imam Khomeini's insight in selecting the kind of media and the method to use them in order to spread revolution's ideology and mobilize masses with regard to revolutionary conditions of the society and political status of Pahlavi regime.

In this research, the theoretical framework of the Britons Crane’s book "Anatomy of Revolution" is used. Crane Brinton has compared the society on the verge of revolution with a febrile illness and he tries to illustrate the illness trend through a scientific framework by comparing world’s four great revolutions (France, England, America, and Russia).His theory was received very warmly in his time by those theoreticians and scholars in politics since there were new and innovative strengths hidden therein.His analysis of the Revolution and the rise to power of moderates and eventually the extremists and the Termidor stage, having some shortcomings though, can analyze most of the great revolutions in the world, including the Islamic Revolution of Iran.