political open-space policy

The social life can be divided into two spheres: state and society. It is evident that societies tend to coexist in based on either agreement or conflict. In contexts where state–society relations are marked by conflict, the potential arises for either a democratic revolution or the reproduction of authority. The agreement between the state and society can pave the way for a new social agreement, potentially occurring before any structural change takes place. The path to democratization varies across societies and is shaped by numerous factors, among which the state–society relation is significant. The conflict or agreement between the state and society plays a crucial role in this process. The 1979 Revolution was one of the most significant and contentious events of the 20th century in the democratization process in Iran. While the Revolution has been studied from various perspectives, the state–society relations during this transformative period have often been overlooked. Although pinpointing a definitive beginning for revolutions is challenging, it seems that the year 1963 was a critical juncture when Iranian society broke its prolonged silence, which had persisted since the state’s consolidation of power in 1953. Between 1963 and 1979, a series of interconnected events unfolded, culminating in the 1979 Revolution. These events sought to direct the democratization process toward structural transformation. Focused on the interval of 1936–1979, the present research tried to address the following questions: What were the most important events that occurred during 1963–1979? And how did each event impact state–society relations?

Literature Review:

The literature on the state is largely focused on democracy, as in a democratic system, the state and society interact without one being dominated by the other. Althusser argues that the state functions as an ideological apparatus that controls people’s minds by persuading them to follow supreme subject, thereby ensuring the reproduction of the dominant ideology. Gramsci, on the other hand, emphasizes hegemony and contends that modern states manipulate democratic institutions—such as civil society, electoral systems, and political parties—to maintain control over people. Citizens may believe they are participating in a democratic system, but their opinions are often shaped to preserve and perpetuate the state hegemony. Elitists like Gaetano Mosca discuss the stratification of elites, asserting that society is divided into two main groups: elites and the masses. Elites themselves are split into two subcategories: leader elites and belief-managing elites. This framework suggests that when the masses influence the elites, society can exert an impact on the state. However, Robert Michels argues that in every political system, there is an oligarchy—a ruling elite operating within what appears to be a formal democratic system but is inherently non-democratic. Pluralists such as Robert Dahl propose that a truly democratic state must meet two essential criteria: first, recognizing the right of society to question the state, and second, acknowledging the existence of a population willing to participate in social and political systems. Joel Migdal states that in developing countries, state–society relations are often characterized by conflict rather than agreement. In such cases, the state may attempt to enforce compliance, demand participation in the political system, and assert its legitimacy. However, these efforts are frequently executed through dirty tricks, often based on violence.

The present study employed the method of historical institutionalism. This approach involved providing a complete description of key historical moments, followed by identifying the temporal and causal sequences between events. The data was collected from historical documents and books.

The research findings reveal that the first significant social protests in Iran occurred in 1963, marked by two key events. The protests at Hozeh Elmieh (Islamic Seminary) in Qom represented the first ideological opposition to the state, while the Siahkal incident was the initial opposition to the state hegemony. In contrast, the state held the 2500-year celebration of the Persian Empire, addressing people as members of the Great Civilization and the supreme subject. Additionally, the state established the Rastakhiz Party, compelling citizens to join it. This measure effectively limited the right of society to question the state and demonstrated the state’s rejection of the public right of participation in the democratic process. In 1977, international pressures forced the state to adopt a political open-space policy, providing society with greater opportunities for protest. This led to events such as the protests at the Goethe Institute and the Qoba Mosque. In response, the state employed a dirty trick, publishing an insulting article about Imam Khomeini, the charismatic leader of the revolutionary movement. This provocation triggered a series of protests lasting for three months. Following these events, a catastrophic cinema fire occurred, for which society blamed the state. Public outrage over this incident forced the state to permit a civil protest. However, on September 8, 1978, known as Black Friday, the state violently suppressed the protesters, thus intensifying the conflict between the state and society to its highest level. In the aftermath of Black Friday, the state attempted to restore order by implementing a new open-space policy, punishing certain political elites, and narrowing its circle of trusted elites. Despite these efforts, the state’s legitimacy collapsed entirely. The loss of legitimacy spurred nationwide strikes. The strikes demonstrated that society at the time sought to replace the existing ideology and hegemony, refusing to obey the rules or participate in the political system. The protests persisted until the state’s leader fled the country, and the opposition leader returned to take control. Support for the Revolution from parts of the military further facilitated the transition of power, ultimately leading to the replacement of the state.

This research shows that during 1963–1979, the Pahlavi state sought to impose its hegemony on society through a national-modernizing ideology, aiming to secure legitimacy by suppressing any protests during critical historical moments. After each protest, the state responded with a consistent strategy of repression. However, on Black Friday in 1979, the extreme violence employed by the state convinced society that an agreement or compromise was no longer possible. After all, following a series of prior protests, the state resorted to another dirty trick once again, further eroding public trust. Black Friday became a super historical moment; the violence of the state and the profound psychological impact of the event galvanized society to persist in its efforts to overthrow the regime through nationwide strikes and continued protests.