جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « regional cooperation » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

One of the consequences of global climate change is the water shortage crisis and the resulting disputes among the beneficiary governments. The criticality of the world's climatic situation has led to the emergence of disputes between governments in connection with the division of common waters.  In this article, by utilizing the descriptive-analytical method and collecting data and information by document-library method, we are going to respond to the following question: "Which are the factors influencing the formation and escalation of disputes caused by the division of water in border-rivers between the Islamic Republic of Iran and its neighbors”? The hypothesis presented in response to the question raised above is based on the premise that in addition to the obvious role of the “water scarcity” phenomenon in the occurrence of the disputes above, it is necessary that four other variables; the politics of transboundary powers, management of water resources, ideological gap and instability of states, also be investigated and analyzed by the political elites. The variables mentioned above are divided into two groups: internal (Instability of States and Water Resources Management) and external (Cross-Border Powers’ politics and Ideological Gap). It is necessary to remember that the explanation of the mentioned four variables does not necessarily mean the absence of other factors in the discussed framework. It is possible that in the context of future research in this field, some other new variables will be identified.

At present, Iran’s neighbourhood policy toward  the Central Asian region has been preserved based on Iran’s geographical potentials. Turkmenistan is one of the countries in this region being of importance to the foreign policy apparatus by virtue of the neighbourhood policy and sharing a border. Hence, the question raised is what are the capacities and requirements of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Neighbourhood Policy concerning Turkmenistan? The presumption of the research is that situation  of  Iran and Turkmenistan on each other’s borders and existence of economic, political and cultural potentials create a ground for integration and cooperation between the two countries, and this can help ease Iran’s political and economic bottlenecks. The results of the research show that historically and economically , Turkmenistan has had many cultural commonalities with Iran. In addition, this country enjoys gas resources and various economic grounds. With regard to rivalries among the hostile regional and extra-regional powers  like the US and Israel in this country, on one side, and the existence of wide trade and economic sanctions of the west, Turkmenistan can be a fertile ground for offsetting pressures exerted on Iran and reducing them. The method of the research is qualitative of the descriptive-analytical type, and the data have been collected using the library method and through cataloguing.

Common historical and cultural features and geopolitics proximity encourage energy, transit, and regional cooperation between Iran and Turkmenistan. This article examines the different aspects of economic relations between Iran and Turkmenistan, including the opportunities and challenges as well as the potentials to develop ties. The current research also investigates the different ways through which Iran can involve in Turkmenistan's economy. The findings show that is that it can be achieved by strengthening the transit lines and resolving Iranian exporters' visas, guaranteeing investment risk, prioritizing economic diplomacy, and defining common interests in the transit area. Both countries are of great importance in the international arena because energy exports strengthening the cooperation between the two countries could lead to a more significant impact of these two actors internationally. This article attempts to describe the main issues of this paper is a descriptive and analytical method.

Central Asia in the post-Soviet period turned into a region with sufficiently weak social and economic linkages. It looked like a geographical area, which was significant for external powers from security or geopolitical perspective. The internal cohesion of the region was rapidly disappearing. Various attempts have not only failed at regional integration by the Central Asian states, but many of those initiated by external powers Like Russia, China and the United States, also yielded limited results. However, a new trend is visible since 2016 when a new leader became president in Uzbekistan. Improved bilateral relations and summits of leaders of the region create hope for a new regionalism in Central Asia that is based on the internal cooperative dynamics within the region. This may not replace the already existing mechanisms or organizations. However, the process itself is conducive for intra-regional cooperation and would be helpful in keeping the region free from the geopolitical competition of external powers. The question is why the regionalization process in Central Asia has not been successful so far? the hypothesis is that inter-regional political, security, economic and cultural Factors and barriers ant also Trans-regional actors Interference, led to the failure of regionalism in Central Asian.

Central Asia has many capacities to generate and use renewable energy. Addressing energy insecurity in the region may be the strongest incentive for Central Asian governments to develop renewable energy resources. Central Asia is rich in hydrocarbon reserves, but the uneven distribution of these resources across countries, burnout of facilities and inefficient energy management, threaten development of the whole region. However, moving towards alternative energy will also have many other advantages for the Central Asia region, including decreasing concerns about energy security in the region. Promoting regional cooperation is one of the definitive benefits of expanding renewable resources in Central Asian countries that the present paper seeks to address. The present literature tries to find an answer for the following questions: "How do implementing renewable energy projects by central Asian countries affect regional cooperation; and why?” The author argues that due to interdependence of the Central Asian countries in the field of energy, the renewable energy resources as their ​​common interest (and not as a parallel, divergent or conflicting interest) as well as the need for regional countries to have an integrated energy system, implementing renewable energy projects by the Central Asian countries can enhance intergovernmental cooperation in regional integration arena. Using descriptive-analytical method and the causal methodology the author tries to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

Regional developments, particularly after the Arab Spring, emergence of new crises including in Syria and Iraq, the rise of Daesh terrorists, the weakening of governments, and subsequent redefinition of the roles of regional and extra-regional actors to fill the power vacuum have rendered the need to devise a new strategy in Iran's foreign policy inevitable—a strategy that is capable of adapting to a rapidly changing environment in the region. The main assumption of this article is that the two principles of strengthening "regional cooperation" and "deterring threats from the region" (in terms of both soft and hard warfare) should be kept in balance under the new circumstances so that Iran's status can be maintained in the regional balance of power. Accordingly, the author believes that the need to gradually combine the two existing foreign policy strategies and to introduce a third strategy—referred to here as "a strong from inside Iran"—is inevitable.

The Islamic Republic of Iran with regard to the special geographic and geo-strategicposition at the crossroads of Central Asia, West and South Asia, with its infrastructure and transportation capacity and features, aims in the national level the economic boom by attracting foreign investment, and seeks stability, security and development of their surrounding areasat the regional level.
Meanwhile, China has proposed an innovative "Belt- Road Initiative" as a comprehensive regional plan that covers 65 countries and has multiple and various trade-economic, scientific-cultural and even geopolitical and security dimensions which can have wide range consequences in the region.The purpose of thisgrand plan has been announced as the development of countries between the eastern and western borders of Eurasia by facilitating regional cooperation and infrastructural development and with respect to the mechanisms which have been defined for achieving this goal, it seemsto have the capacity to fulfill these goals.
The main research question is how couldChina's Belt- RoadInitiativeinfluenceIransnational interests- at both domestic and regional levels?This article intends to investigate how this initiative would affect regional cooperation process through the lens of regionalism theory and by explanatory- analytical method and its potential benefits and risks for the Islamic Republic of Iran.The hypothesis is that the Belt- Road Initiative through the expansion of trade and cultural infrastructure in the region and contributing to the development and security of the region,is of the capacity to maintain economic and geopolitical interests of Iran at the national level and the regional level.
This article is to describe the objectives, motivations, opportunities and challenges of this initiative, the areas of impact on Iran and its alignment with the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The collapse of the Soviet Union which resulted in the independence of six Muslim populated republics in Central Asian and Caucuses also provided the three founding members of the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) with the opportunity to expand this organization in February 1992. During 20 years after its expansion, ECO has been moving forward, although with ups and downs. During this period, the organization has prepared the necessary framework and foundation for the economic integration and convergence of its member states through different measures and initiatives such as: the preparation of basic documents, action plans, long term strategies, priority setting, and finalizing important regional agreements in main sub-sectors of cooperation. Due to various reasons, for Iran, ECO is not a choice, but an inevitable option to reach its goals for national and regional development. ECO is the only intergovernmental entity in the Iranian territories that relies, to a larger extent on the decisive role of Iran to implement its programs. The main question, here, is that taking into consideration the achievements of ECO during 20 years of its activities, what role the organization has played in the regional strategy of Iran? Could it help to achieve the objectives of economic regionalism of Iran? Reciprocally, what role Iran has played in the success and failure of ECO? To answer such questions, the main hypothesis of this research is that in spite of a more supportive role and active participation of Iran in ECO, comparing to other member countries, lack of a long -term strategy vis – a – vis ECO in Iran's foreign policy caused a very slow process to achieve its objective for regional convergence through this organization. In answer to questions and inquiries in this regard, the author of the paper is trying to review 20 years of ECO performance and its relations with Iran.

Integration and regional cooperation have increasingly become an important trend in Asia and Europe. In the West five decades of integration in Europe has led to the formation of a regional government which is having the power to take legal and political decisions that are binding on its members. In the East of Asia, the regional cooperation had been on the basis of ASEAN methods and ideas. In Europe regional integration is based on a strong institutional and legal framework. The European commission, Ministerial Council, European Parliament, Central Bank of Europe and the European Hague Court, constitute the strong institutional infrastructure of European decision making. In East Asia integration is based on the principles of respect for sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs and not use of violence in regional conflicts. Why Europe and East Asia have approved different pattern of regionalism? How this pattern of regional decision making can bring change in Europe and East Asia? The present article points out that different and distinct feature of the constituting countries play important role in determining the pattern of integration and cooperation in each region. Besides that, different pattern of regional cooperation has led to adopting different approaches by regional countries to face specific challenges.

At Chicago summit which was held in in early June 2012, Barack Obama tried to lay the groundwork for North Atlantic Treaty’s future missions. Doing such missions could be possible in a situation that NATO's new strategic concept document had been approved by its member in 2011. The main characteristic of the Chicago Summit was the establishment of the concept for "smart defense" in strategic behavior Smart defense refers to the concept of diversifying NATO members’ strategic power tools for dealing with regional threats. The main axes of Chicago summit was the continuation of NATO's new strategic concept document. The main axes of Chicago summit (June 2012) can be considered based on issues such as "smart defense", "alliance and cooperation among allies," "Reviewing transatlantic balance" and "shared responsibility.

Interdependence in the economic-security areas, historical, ethnic and racial links, common security threats and concerns among the Central Asian states demonstrate a complex network of extending forms of security relations which has made it hard to make to make clear cut border lines of national security of these countries. This interdependence and various links are more indicative of irrefutable necessity to the growth and development of mechanism based on intergovernmental cooperation to oppose, resolve or manage the security threats and other existing independencies in the regional level. Years of relations and dominant equations on the existing regional trends, however, show rare evidence of moving the Central Asian republics towards some cooperation-based arrangements. Developments in intergovernmental cooperation have faced many obstacles and challenges and a clear prospect does not appear in the near future. Accordingly, the article is to find the major obstacles in the way of growth and extension of cooperation among countries in the regional level. The hypotheses to examine are the political structures of the countries in the region, intergovernmental differences and rivalries, emphasis on extreme nationalism, unbalanced level of development, and a variety of actors.

Since Second World War, the issue of regional integration got a special importance among international relations theories.Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) was established in July 1964 by the name of Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD).After the Islamic Revolution in Iran, this organization disbanded in 1980. But in 1985, all the countries expressed willingness to start economic cooperation again with a new name ECO. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the ECO expanded and the members became 10. At the same time in early years of RCD formation, Association for South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) established in 1967 with 10 members, and today it is known as a successful regional organization among members in the field of integration. The main question of this article is that RCD (then ECO), and ASEAN, although they are in relatively similar terms, why does ECO still remained at early stages? The main hypothesis of this paper is that although based on constructive views of Vent, the formation of these two institutions was based on “logical consequence”, but ECO members have not passed these steps and common identity has not created among them.

Argentinabegan its nuclear activities in 1950s and with an admirable progress could obtain nuclear technology in 1970s. The speed and range of its nuclear abilities worried US and some other countries that were sending nuclear technology especiallyGermany. But, USSR collapse, the of bipolar system, reconciliation with Brasilia, widespread economic crisis in early 1990s, and its politic system change caused Argentina to put its nuclear policies aside and follow nonproliferation process in the international system as proposed by US and Europe.