جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "religious government" در نشریات گروه "علوم سیاسی"

Religious democracy is one of the most important concerns of today's cultured society. This theory was first proposed in the political literature of Iran during the Constitutional Revolution, and after the Islamic Revolution, it was established as a response to the question of the legitimacy of this system (background). However, this theory has always been disputed; while some, insisting on the components of liberal democracy, consider it to be lacking in democratic standards, others consider it to be the best model of democracy due to factors such as participation, people's satisfaction, and division of powers (problem). Martyr Muṭahharī is one of the modernist thinkers who has theorized about religious democracy. Given that he is considered the most important theoretician of the Revolution, it is appropriate to examine the theory of this thinker. The present article aims to critically analyse this theory with the critical analytical method based on Skinner's authorial intentionalism hermeneutics (method), and it specifically seeks to identify the principles on which this theory is based and analyse it critically (question). This theory considers democracy as a method and by emphasizing the possibility of religious democracy, it assigns a supervisory role to the Guardian Jurist (hypothesis). The findings indicate that according to the theory of Martyr Muṭahharī, the issues of freedom and the role of the people in the government are of great importance. However, the position and function of the Guardian Jurist as one of the pillars of religious democracy remains ambiguous (findings).

The issue of participation and activity in non-ShiÝite tyranny has long been the subject of controversial discussions among Twelver (ShiÝa) jurists. Traditional proofs in this matter indicate that some groups have forbidden in bold terms any kind of participation in oppressive governmental systems, in such a way that the maxim "the guardianship of a despot is unlawful" can be deduced from them. On the other hand, some traditions have dealt with words of encouragements by the Imams to some followers to have active participation in such governments so that they can meet the needs and resolve the problems of the believers. Having examined the evidence against "the guardianship of a despot" along with emphasizing the opinions of some ShiÝa jurisprudents and rational analysis of its implications, this article seeks to prove the necessity or at least the permissibility of forming an independent ShiÝa government and comes to the conclusion that the interests that exist in the formation the ShiÝi government are far beyond the needs of some believers. It seems that when according to these evidences, one cannot consider appropriate the loss of a minimal benefit (helping some believers) even by entering the government institutions, the content of the same evidence refutes the loss of much greater benefits in the shadow of the formation of a religious government.

One of the doubts that are widely levelled against the intellectual foundations of the Islamic government, especially the issue of the guardianship of the Muslim jurisconsult, is that the formation of the government during the Period of Occultation causes people to be pessimistic about Islam and such pessimism about Islam carries with it a massive corruption. Because in this period, due to the absence of Infallible Imam, with the establishment of a religious government, mistakes are made by government officials, and people tend to ascribe their mistakes to Islam and become pessimistic about Islam. In addition to the fact that the mentioned doubt does not correspond to any of the Four Proofs, it is also against the life-style of the Infallibles and some realities in the period when the Infallibles were present, and even run contrary to some rules of the principles of jurisprudence, for example, with the rule “المیسورلایسقط بالمعسور” which says “that which is easy should not be abandoned due to what is difficult”. The mentioned doubt has been analyzed and criticized based on the above evidence.

Transparency is one of the applied political-moral terms which has to be precisely delineated and delimited in terms of the standards to which one refers to make a true judgment on its truth or falsity in different circumstances. The research question of this paper is that whether transparency in the Islamic government can be taken to be a major principle or not. If so, what is the standard of transparency in the Islamic government regarding different things? As a matter of fact, the main question of this research which has been conducted drawing upon analytic-citation method is that how far and to what extent the functions of a ruler in the religious government should be transparent and how one can set a criterion for the necessity or lack of necessity of transparency in the functions of rulers or in the structure of the government. Findings of the research demonstrate that the standard of justice-security, together with the Muslim guardian jurist’s authoritative (wilāī) judgement can be regarded as a standard for discerning the realm of transparency in the religious government. According to this standard, as long as transparency does not contradict justice, transparency is a matter of urgency, though in certain cases where justice is difficult to discern, another complementary standard which is to be presented is security. According to this complementary element, as long as security – in varying aspects – is not questioned, transparency is urgent. However, in certain cases, due to the conflicts of interests, security may also not be defining. In this case, the authoritative judgement of a Muslim gurdian jurist which functions as a virtuous paradigm, will delimit boundaries of transparency.

Religious democracy is a new model of religious government that was proposed by some modernist religious thinkers and emerged after the victory of the Islamic revolution. In spite of the modernity of this theory, it has not yet been able to show the degree of Islam; And not much research has been done on why. (Background) In this regard, we are faced with the question of what effect the Salafist and fundamentalist ideas branched off from Sayyid Qutb's thoughts have had on the non-expansion of religious democracy in Islamic societies. The challenge facing the expansion of religious democracy in the Islamic world is, in addition to liberalist ideas, Salafist ideas based on the opposite. The thought based on appearanceism, anti-rationalism and fatalism of Seyyed Qutb, which is mixed with concepts such as ignorance, elementary jihad and caliphate, has had a direct role in creating and expanding this challenge. ) while criticizing Seyed Qutb's political thought and the influence of his political thought in Salafi-Takfiri groups and currents, show that one of the challenges facing the expansion of religious democracy is Salafi and fundamentalist ideas. And it is possible to overcome the challenge of expanding this modern religious model by relying on political Islam based on rationality and ijtihad and synergy with the balanced groups of the Islamic world.

The purpose of this study is to design a comprehensive model of religious government based on the teachings of the Prophet Mohammad. The method is qualitative and with inductive precision. In order to extract the content, the theme analysis technique was used. An important aspect of this research is that on the one hand, most of the studies on government and policy orientation have sought to discover and identify the criteria and indicators of government formation in accordance with the prophetic culture and as if the Islamic society Measured by the standards of Western society. In view of the above, we are actually looking for an answer What are the components of sustainable governance in the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad in order to design a comprehensive model of religious government based on it? It should be known that the way the Prophet of Islam ruled and the way he interacted with the people and the way he and society were governed by him and his agents, is a new thing in the history of governments. In this article, we seek the fact that looking at the duties and efficiency of governments in the form of religious thought is evident. The idea that by referring to the original Islamic texts and teachings provides a clear achievement regarding the Prophetic government to establish and implement the tasks of a government. The results show that the Islamic government should seek a behavioral, structural and content-oriented approach to government in the form of the city of the Prophet with emphasis on the concept of a single nation.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the views of the Turkish academic community on the event of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. In this article, using descriptive-analytical research method, fifty master's and doctoral student dissertations were reviewed and analyzed. Findings indicate the existence of two positive and negative attitudes towards Islamic Iranian diplomacy and religious government in the Turkish academic community. In both respects, Iran is a powerful country that decides independently on foreign policy and sovereignty, and is one of the great world powers and a major player in Middle East regional politics. Therefore, most of the dissertations focus on political principles such as leadership, Wilayat-e-Faqih, the export of the revolution, the Shiite crescent, Iran's foreign policy, and so on. Iran and Turkey, while having significant religious, historical and cultural commonalities, experience a governmental approach to the transition from tradition and religion to the modernization movement, which with the Islamic Revolution of Iran, found a different destiny and path; The effects of the Islamic Revolution and its achievements are among the issues of interest in Turkish academic research. Considering the entry of the Islamic Revolution of Iran into the stage of self-construction, socialization and civilization in the second step and inviting to central research, it will be useful to study the view of the Turkish academic community towards the Islamic Revolution, its effects and achievements in West Asia and the world. Was.

In the present article By adopting an analytical approach dependent explain the nature of soft power by "Joseph Nye", Its main theorist, Investigates the its nature, its components, and its goals. On the other hand With an analytical interpretation from the "holy Quran" introduces the crowd of hypocrisy as a priori network and ready to advance the goals of American soft power against the Islamic state. The results of this review indicate that political power of the hypocrisys crowd increases parallel with the power of religious state and according to Joseph Nay's soft power pattern causing political disorder In the power of religious state and attracts the United States part of the political system of the target government and provides backgrounds of changing the nature of the political system of religion or change its behavior. The question here is that: "What role is hypocrisys crowd in applying American soft power to religious rule?" Our hypothesis is that: "The idea of moderate Muslim organization in Joseph Nye's soft power theory, It causes a political disorder in the process of religious state and soft results In changing the nature or political behavior of that system and coincide the moderate Muslim organization with the view of hypocrisys crowd in the Quran. This crowd is called "American Islam "in the Islamic Republic of Iran

Philosophers’ thoughts are directed at building an ideal society with the hope that all or some constituent elements of such a society will be made possible in the real world. Philosophers such as Plato, and Lock, and even John Rawls’ theory of justice in the contemporary world are aimed at creating such a society. In the Islamic political thought, Muslim philosophers, having taken into consideration certain Qur’anic teachings, traditions received from the Prophet Muhammad and the Infallible Imams regarding the issue of ‘government’ and ‘sovereignty’ and the conditions of an ideal society, have sought to present a good model of a desired or ideal society. In this article an attempt has been made to give a clear picture of the position of “happiness” as an end in an Islamic ideal society as depicted in the thoughts of AllÁmeh ÓabÁÔabÁÐ, the well-known Muslim thinker and Qur’anic commentator (exegete). According to AllÁmeh ÓabÁÔabÁÐ, a society can attain happiness if it moves along the road of human nature (disposition) and is in perfect harmony with the existing system of universe. For him, an ideal government is one that, while laying its foundation on religion and human nature, strives to lead humans toward happiness. Therefore, a society cannot reach happiness in this world and in the hereafter unless it has been governed by a religion which has its roots in human nature. However, governments are intended to set the stage for every individual in the society to attain to his or her own deserved perfection and to move away all the obstacles for them to attain happiness.

During recent centuries the problem of faqih`s rule in the absence of pure Imam has been focused on among fuqaha, some have viewed for and some other against it. Among the former one important problem may be found; it runs as: are foqaha obligated to prepare the ground to form Islamic government or not? Among those saying that it is the duty of people to prepare necessary conditions for establishing Islamic government by faqih, Imam has viewed foqaha to be obligated for measuring to prepare conditions and form faqih`s government and invite people to accept it. For him, therefore, preparing the necessary ground for government would be as the grounds for the necessary not for th necessity. In the paper, Imams view and its proofs have been studied and explained in a analytico-descriptive method. Finally it has been described that though legality of faqih`s government is divinely prepared, attaining the government by power is not permited and public acceptance is needed.

The aim of establishing government, religiously speaking, is to use political power for achieving high ambitions of the conspicuous religion such as justice and institutionalization of purely Islamic culture in the community. But facing such sacred aim, there are damages and challenges that jeopardize achievement of the aims concerned and this is something of great concern for the supreme leader and founder of the Islamic Republic; among the other things, recognition and analysis of cultural damages become doubly important thanks to the approach adopted by religious government. A review over the most important worries of Imam Khomeini (ra) that were raised in his blessed lifetime with a pathological look can help us preserve the religious government because he with his intuition, vigilance, recognition and courage explored introduction and revelation of damages and suggested strategies. This article tries to explore cultural damages which, if not given important consideration, can threaten the religious government, keep it away from achievement of aims and ideals and pave the ground for restoration of religious doctrines and their gradual domination. In other words, emerging damages of culture can be the most important and serious damages because they can threaten foundation of government and metamorphosis occurs.

His background of executive activity as a statesman caused Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s thought to be linked with secularism. Examining his background in this context is not separate from his basis of thought rooted in his traditionalist procedures. Valid connection between spiritual authority and temporal power that is one of elements of Traditionalist thoughts, backing Nasr's thought on religious governing. According to religious doctrines that are in contrast with western thoughts, Nasr believes that religion, especially Islam, cannot be separated from the governing realm. This article tries to study Nasr’s theoretical reasons against secularism, i.e. separation of religion and government. Also it shows that how Nasr explains this subject causes someone thinks that there are rooms for influence of secularism in his thought and oppose with him.

Religiously, the aim of establishing government is to take advantage of political power for achieving high ambitions of the conspicuous religion such as justice and institutionalization of pure Islamic culture in the community. But there are challenges and harms vis-à-vis this sacred aim, that can jeopardize achievement of such aim and the leader and founder of the Islamic Republic have always been concerned about it; in the meantime, recognition and analysis of cultural harms have gained double significance thanks to approach of religious government. Henceforth, a review over the most important concerns of Imam Khomeini (ra) raised with a pathological look in his blessed lifetime can help us to maintain the religious government because he blessed with intuition, vigilance, recognition and courage dealt with introducing and making such harms known as well as offering strategies. This article tries to explore cultural harms, if unattended, can threaten religious government, keep away ideals and ambitious from being achieved and pave the ground for emerging non-religious doctrines and their gradual domination. In other words, in case cultural harms emerge, they can be the most serious harms leading to resultant dangers happening to foundation of religious government and its metamorphosis.

Some believe that a religious government during the Occultation Era does not have the necessary legitimacy. The proponents of the idea have presented reasons most of which refer to the absence of the twelfth Imam per se and the existence of narrations that have pictured any uprisings or restorative movements as useless, inefficient and even illegitimate. The present study is aimed at indicating that the absence of the twelfth Imam per se may not be a reason for the illegitimacy of the religious government but a religious government can set the stage for the messianic culture. It will also show that despite the existence of narrations that reject the legitimacy of an uprising during the Occultation Era, there are genuine narrations in the narrative reference books that refer to the legitimacy of the movement. By drawing a comparison between the two categories of narrations, it may be concluded that some of those uprisings, including Imam Khomeini’s uprising that led to an Islamic government, were legitimate in case of having the conditions of an uprising.

Foundation of the religious government and emphasis on the consideration of principles of religion in society has been presented following the variety of interpretations on the political order in the Shiite jurisprudence. Theses interpretations having been stated in diverse eras could be evaluated according to three fundamental models some of which refer to the presence of infallible Imam with regard to the order of prophesy and Imamate and the others are recommended in the absence of Infallible including two different interpretations concerning the democratic order as well as the order of religious democracy. Although all these interpretations are documentable via the jurisprudential principles and instructions، they are distinguished by the issues like “the presence or absence of Imam”، “the disparity of jurisprudential approach”، “the likelihood of realization of a favorable approach in favor of the religious government”، as well as “the needs and conditions of society”. These interpretations having judged in a particular way and different from the government are in need of the differentiation of people’s political contribution in society. In the order of prophecy and Wilayat، the political contribution is of acceptable approach، nevertheless، the structure of society and the present government in time of Imam relies on the dominance of the political contribution of elites over the political contribution of masses. In the democratic interpretation from government having been stated in the political jurisprudence of constitutionalism، a huge atmosphere of political contribution comes into views of the masses. Although، the constitutionalism interpretation is of relative favoritism compared with the order of monarchy، it is not considered the final order of Shi’ah. Thus، the contributed approaches of this political order are considerable in this very level. On these conditions، the order of Wilayat e- Faqih with the interpretation of religious democracy as well as the motive and favoritism is of extensive contributive approaches in favor of the mass of people as well as elites and the present capacities in this interpretation provides a vast ground of political contribution before the mass of people and elites. Accordingly، the governments in line with their efficacies can take the advantage of majority of people’s contribution and elites in relation to the supervision of society’s affairs.

The modern history of Iran has been created by various public movements with their different consequences in a verity of its dimensions. One of the significant movements initiated by the social and political presence of the clergymen of Islam as well as the vast support and considerable role of the people who followed the clergymen or scientists of Islam was the movement of constitutionalism. Interpreting the causes conflict controversy between the approaches of constitutionalists and their opposite group who demanded a religious government based on Islamic law has been considered along with the ideas of two of the Famous leaders of this movement called Sheikh Fazlollah Noori and Mohammad Hussein Naeeni from the beginning to the end of the movement. The present paper attempts to find the answer of question that considering the same religious، jurisprudent and Fundamental thoughts of Mohammad Hussein Naeeni and Sheikh Fazlollah Noori، how is the controversy between the two Shiites Faqihs on constitutional government accounted for? The answer to and the hypothesis for the question is that Sheikh Fazlollah Noori and the late Mohammad Hussein Naeeni regarding their impression of political، social and the consequences of constitutionalism differ from one another

In this article، after reviewing Qom and Najaf schools as the two prominent and influential schools in the history of seminaries، Ayatollah Taleghani’s principles of political thoughts were thoroughly analyzed and finally it was concluded that he is regarded as taking a middle position between the two schools. The School of Najaf is one of the oldest schools of seminaries which has always been known as a movement that has not pursued the political authority of Islamic jurists (Wilāyat-i Faqīh) in the occultation of Imam Mahdi and Akhund Khorasani (Mohammad-Kazem Khorasani) is the symbol of this school. The key feature of “The School of Qom”، as a prominent school in the history of Qom seminary established by Imam Khomeini، is the expansion of Velayat in politics as a modern theory of the supreme wilāyat and Wilāyat-i Faqīh which is the more advanced and evolved form of The School of Samarra. Hence، however، Ayatollah Taleqani in his School of Faqih openly shows a tendency to Najaf School and its leaders including Mirza-ye Na''ini and that is why he has annotated his treatise titled “Allameh Discipline and Transcendence Malt” in practice he obviously emphasizes the support for the symbol of the School of Qom- Imam Khomeini. All this lead to his being considered as the revolution long-time friend (Asubequon). He has also made all-out theoretical efforts to introduce Islam as social and political and anti-secular doctrine.

In addition to government’s responsibility of running the general and ordinary governmental affairs in the economic, political, and administrative fields, it is responsible for supervising to what extent moral values are dominant in society and the use of the influential tools which contribute to preserve and raise the degree of individuals’ royalty to moral norms. Being attached to religion, which consist of moral standards as one of the most important elements of the divine teachings, religious government has a more fundamental duty in this concern. The three-decade experience of the Islamic Republic of Iran has contributed to examining the problems and injuries of a religious government while it is concerned with the moral guidance of a society. The present article deals with the theoretical and practical aspect of this basic issue.

The present article is seeking to explain the image of Islamic government in Imam Ali's view in Nahj al-Balagha. Accordingly, as an introduction, it deals with the necessity of government for humanity; it also discusses the method of Wilaie (authoritative) government, and then, mentions its two basic points of difference from other forms of government; it states that the Wilaie form of government is rooted in the divine absolute authority. This form of government is distinct from other forms in making it necessary for the ruler to be appointed by God. Another difference is related to the goal of the religious or Wilaie government which is to guide people to ultimate perfection and everlasting felicity or nearness to God, while the basic goal in other forms of government is based on material privileges. It is in view of this sublime goal that Nahj al-Balagha has viewed government both positively and negatively, making a distinction between desirable and undesirable forms of government. In the present article, by adducing Imam Ali's words in this regard, the image of Wilaie government, which is the desirable form of government, has been depicted; at the end, the relationship of religion and government – as far as basic articles of faith as well as legal and derivative principles of religion are concerned – has been explained.

In this article after defining the political theology, we try to have a close scrutiny to the worldview of imam Khomeini which based on Sadra transcendental philosophy. And This is the most important difference between he and other, jurisprudences. After that, regarding the Mahdism, we want to know how the new positive conception of imam Khomeini of Madism which is the combination of three theosophical, theological and political approach, could bring this doctrines to the political and social realms which finally resulted in Islamic revolution of Iran and producing of great Islamic civilization.