جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « the china sea » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Due to the increase of China’s power in the International arena and the non-compliance of China’s behavior with realistic theories on one hand and the existence of long-standing strategic traditions and China’s cultural continuity during the past millennials on the other, studying the cultural elements is of central importance for understanding China’s foreign policy. Due to the importance of cultural elements in China’s foreign policy, the main question of the present research states: how China’s strategic culture has affected China’s foreign policy regarding South China Sea conflict. China’s strategic culture is a dual culture in which there is a tendency for using military and non-military means simultaneously; this means that China’s strategic culture is not absolutely pacific or belligerent. Before the dawn of Xi Jinping’s leadership, the need for a low tension environment for advancing economic development led the Chinese leaders to resort to Confucian slogans such as peaceful development; after the start of Xi Jinping’s leadership, military and economic power gained same importance in China’s foreign policy. This new approach has been evident regarding this conflict due to the increase of China’s military mobility in South China Sea.

China issued a map to the UN Secretary-General announced the drawing of a Nine Dash Line in the South China Sea, In 2009. This Nine-Dash Line cover's all the main islands of the South China Sea. Also, the method of delimitation with this Nine-Dash Line is such that it interferes with the Exclusive Economic Zones and the Continental Shelf of other neighbors. This way of drawing lines was not reformed even with China's accession to the Convention on the Law of the Sea (1982). The Philippines as the most affected and protesting country, Claims incompatibility of China's Nine-Dash Line with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (1982) and considered all Chinese actions contrary to its obligations under this convention. According to this Convention and aimed at resolving disputes, The Philippines submitted its bill and petition to the Arbitral Tribunal pursuant to Annex 7 of the Convention. The summary conclusion of this study is that although the delimitation of borders, including maritime borders, is unilaterally practical in principle, a country cannot introduce itself as a coastal country outside the scope of international law and in areas that overlap with other coastal countries, to draw border lines unilaterally, and it is assumed that the Nine-Dash line drawn by China has no legitimate justification. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical and relying on library resources.

Despite all the opposition of members international organizations against China, over the past decade, Beijing has reached significant influence in international and regional organizations and is trying to improve It’s status in these organizations by shaping norms, rules and regulations. One of the most important regional organizations that has received a lot of attention from the Chinese authorities is ASEAN. An organization that can provide many benefits to Beijing. China's interests are now more intertwined with the ASEAN region than ever before; Relations between China and the union has become one of the most complex in the Asia-Pacific region and have recently seen positive changes in both the economic and political dimensions. Of course, the China’s interests of this deepening relationship have outweighed those of the ASEAN members, and this has become one of the concerns of Union officials in recent years. This article tries to examine the type of Chinese action in this regional organization based on the theory of asymmetric economic dependence. According to the article, China seeks to maintain and Promote ASEAN's asymmetric dependence on itself through the promotion of political and economic cooperation, and to prevent regional and international competitors from gaining strength in this organization.

In recent years, the South China Sea has become one of the major centers of the crisis in the Asian Pacific region. This paper examines the geopolitical, geo-economic and geo-strategic positions of the South China Sea, contradictory claims by the contenders in the South China Sea and various solutions to this problem, including multilateral negotiations and cooperation. With an analytical descriptive method, the paper seeks to answer the question of how the policies of the claiming countries in the South China Sea can be evaluated in relation to each other  and considering the geopolitical situation and developments in the region? Based on a geopolitical approach,We find that each of the regional and trans-regional actors seeks to control important resources and regions.As a result, the situation in the region, especially with the geopolitical developments and the growing economic and military growth of China and the efforts of countries to develop energy resources without regard to the rights of others, can lead to increased complexity in the region and continued conflict.

China has mostly the capacity to put under question the politics of United States, because this country possesses important economic power, immense infrastructures and ammunitions, political power and has impact on the countries of East Asia region. Specially, in recent years, China's military modernization has persisted along with its economic growth. Because the United State disregarded East Asia Region during George w. Bush presidency, China intensified its influence in East Asia region and increased its interests and extensive economic interactions with the countries of this region.The present research elaborates on the main discrepancies between Beijing and Washington in East Asia region and on the effect of these discrepancies on their mutual relationship. What is the effect of discrepancies between China and United States on their relations? To answer this question, the authors believe that political, economic and security- military discrepancies, especially during the Obama administration, caused ascending tension between the two countries in regional and international arenas.After explaining the conflicts between China and United States in three main political, economic and security arenas, this article scrutinizes the impact of these conflicts on the relations of these two countries.

This paper studies the competition between China and the United States in the eastern and southern flanks of the China Sea and concentrates on the question of what factors have exacerbated tensions between China and the United States in the eastern and southern seas. In response I hypothesize that the rise in china’s sea power has challenged the United States marine preponderance which has resulted in the increase in the two countries tensions. The thesis is tested using Gilpin’s neorealist theory of hegemonic stability. The author discusses that the rise in china’s economic growth has increased this country’s marine power, challenging the United States sea superiority around the sea of china. The author also discusses that since the economic growth is a result of innovation in technology, the rise in power of the marginal states in the periphery of the international system is tied to their replication of industrial know-hows in the developed countries. This explains why china’s success in replication has translated to the rise in its wealth and power.

The Sea Silk Road was the vastest commercial network of the world for 1700 years (100 BC-1600 AD). Given the several difficulties happening in the land route of this road, the sea route was an important reason for merchants’ attention to trade through the Silk Sea Road. Although this route was long and unknown, and there was the possibility of occurrence of several dangers, in many cases it was greatly superior to the land route. The most important people who had a role in expanding and popularizing this route were Iranian and Chinese merchants and statesmen. A study of historical sources reveals that Iranian ships were commuting between India and China, and some important ports such as Canton and Changzhou in China, and Siraf, Ablah, Basra (2nd and 3rd centuries AH), Hormoz, and Kish (8th century AH) in Iran, which were among the most important ports of that time, are the remnants of the Sea Silk Road. This sea route was popular almost until the end of the Safavid Era. With the changes in the political and economic situations of different countries in the world, this route was gradually forgotten and lost its initial appeal. The present research mainly focuses on the sea connections from the Persian Gulf to the China Sea until the beginning of the Mongol Period. The required data for this historical research has been collected from historical sources following the analytic-descriptive method of research.