جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « سازه‎انگاری » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Islamic movements are popular and organized movements whose goal and strategy is to implement the orders of the society with the orders of Sharia in all political, intellectual, social and economic dimensions. Western colonialism, intellectual degeneration and tyranny are the causes of these movements. The Muslim Brotherhood movement is the most powerful movement among the Islamic movements that came to power at the same time as the victory of the revolution. Also, in terms of the connection of the Muslim Brotherhood movement with Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, the investigation of this movement is of particular importance. The analysis carried out in this research is the result of the construction of descriptive information obtained from previous studies, so that by analyzing the strategy of Islamic movements, especially the Muslim Brotherhood, it is possible to correctly establish Iran's political relations with Turkey and Saudi Arabia. By examining the influence of the Brotherhood's strategy on the relations between Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia, we find that Turkey supports moderate Islam and aligns with Iran, and Saudi Arabia promotes extreme Islam or Wahhabism and is in conflict with Iran and Turkey

Identity is one of the factors that has always been influential in the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. But the victory of the Islamic revolution made this factor more prominent. Especially, the Islamic revolution of Iran is based on the Islamic-Iranian identity with an emphasis on the Shiite factor. An identity that is in conflict with the Islamic-Arabic identity of the Saudis with an emphasis on Wahhabism. In addition, the political identity of the Saudis is defined in closeness and unity with the West, but the Iranian identity is introduced with the unity of the Islamic world and in conflict with the West. Therefore, the question is raised, what are the consequences of the different political-social identities on the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia after the victory of the Islamic Revolution? The findings of the research indicate that different political and social identities are influenced by the ideology of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, centered on the Shiite religion in confronting the domination system and striving for a culture of resistance, and Saudi Arabia, centered on Wahhabi thinking, in cooperation with the domination system and in opposition to The culture of Islamic resistance has led to the adoption of confrontational policies by both sides in bilateral relations, regional crises and international competitions. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical and the data collection tool is library-documentary.

In this article, based on the social structure presented by Vent in the constructivist approach, the analysis of the formation and expansion of the power axis of the Islamic resistance in the West Asian region has been analyzed. Based on this, the triple infrastructures of semantic, material and interests have been analyzed in relation to the West Asian region in order to understand the role of semantic and identity factors, the material environment and the type of interpretation of its actors and the structure of quadruple interests including ontological security, security Material, development and identification in the formation and expansion of the axis of Islamic resistance with emphasis on the leadership of c. AA evaluated. The author starts compiling this research with the premise that one or more material or semantic factors alone cannot be effective in the formation and expansion of the axis of Islamic resistance. The main question of this research is: From the perspective of structuralism, how did the social structure of the West Asian region play a role in the formation of the expansion of the power axis of the Islamic resistance? This article is written in an analytical-descriptive way.

Since the Safavid era, the Eastern Mediterranean region, has affected the Iran's national security and interests. The current research seeks to answer the question, "What are the components of the continuity of Iran's foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Safavid period and the Islamic Republic?" The temporary answer that the researchers put forward as a hypothesis is that "Security-strategic needs and cultural-religious commonalities have been the most important reasons for the continuity of Iran's foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean, and the difference in Iran's approach to Europe has been one of the differences between Iran's policy in the two periods." The findings show that the similarity of the type and role identity of the Safavid statesmen and the Islamic Republic of Iran led to the definition of common interests and similar foreign policy approaches by them. Iran's continuous strategic competition with other regional powers and the need to contain their threats far from the borders, the role of Shiites in the Eastern Mediterranean in advancing Iran's goals, economic interests and the dependence of Iran's geopolitical competition on identity and ideology are the most important reasons for the continuity of Iran's foreign policy during the two periods.

This research, which was based on a qualitative approach and relied on library and documentary data collection tools, tried to investigate the process of building a distinctive identity of the Islamic Revolution in the context of the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq, focusing on the issue of issuing the revolution. , considering the centrality of the existence of the revolutionary system, is the most important consequence of this situation among the revolutionaries and actors. Based on this proposition, the present article was trying to first address the theoretical principles and foundations of issuing the Islamic revolution and then examine the actions of the revolutionary leaders regarding the strategy of issuing the revolution in the context of events such as war. According to the findings, it can be said that the imposed war provided a platform for the identity of the Islamic Revolution to bring the most explicit actions and reactions to the arena based on two ideas of itself and other ideas at the same time; Therefore, since identities are constructive and influenced by the structure, this interaction between actors and understanding of self and others in the most ideal external arena of the revolution, i.e. the issuing of the revolution, has left a qualitative impact, and the mission of this research is to investigate this influence process in the context of a war. It was imposed.

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic is based on stable and stable principles, including supporting the deprived and oppressed of the world, having peaceful relations with non-belligerent countries, prohibiting interference in the affairs of other countries, and peaceful coexistence with neighbors and other governments. These principles include the beliefs and convictions of the Islamic Republic about facts or causes, correctness of action and behavior in the field of interactions and the international system that arose from the Islamic religion. The basic issue that needs to be addressed is whether the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic has been successful in the field of dealing with Shia-phobia based on the aforementioned principles. For this reason, this article tries to evaluate the role of environmental factors of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy in the four components of identity politics, political actors, social actors, agent and structure based on the theory of constructivism and through identifying the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and possible threats. Help to promote the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic to deal with Shia-phobia. This research is of applied type and has been done with a descriptive and case-based method. The collection tool was field and library, the sample size was 25 people and the data was analyzed by SPSS method.

AbstractIran-Taliban relations can be divided into three periods. The first period includes from the early 1370s to the end of this decade. Relations between Iran and the Taliban were competitive during this period. The second period includes the early 1380s to 1400s. In this period, despite the initial divergence, Iran and the Taliban moved towards cooperation. The third period includes from 1400 onwards. In this period, the cooperation between Iran and the Taliban in the previous period has given way to competition. The question of this article is, what are the reasons that made the relations between Iran and the Taliban more competitive in this period? The hypothesis of the article, which has been investigated in a descriptive-analytical way, is that the disappearance of the common threat and the formation of incompatible interests have made the relations between Iran and the Taliban more competitive. The findings of the article showed that the cooperation between Iran and the Taliban in the past period was due to the existence of a common enemy called America, as well as the compatibility preferences that were created in the decision-making apparatus of Iran and the Taliban. Now, with the disappearance of the common threat and the return of incompatible preferences that existed in the first period of Iran-Taliban relations, the relations between the two sides have become competitive.

The change of conditions and the emergence of new and influential elements in the field of international politics indicate the importance of the category of culture in promoting national interests and goals and improving relations between countries.Today, culture is referred to as soft power, which brings the influence and influence of governments.Cultural interactions, by creating platforms based on identity and common cultural values, have the ability to influence the process of convergence in the regional and international arenas.Central and South Asia (which has Tajikistan and Afghanistan in its heart) has long been a part of Iran's civilizational and cultural territory, so that it has been far beyond Iran's current political geography.This research is based on descriptive-analytical nature and method, and the required information has been collected in a library manner and based on referring to reliable sources of books, articles and documentary reports.The results of the research show many cultural and identity commonalities, such as Persian language, music, ancient and common customs, between Iran and the above-mentioned countries, which can provide the necessary foundations for Iran in the field of regional interactions and the construction of a new region in this geographical area.

The Persian Gulf, with its unique geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic characteristics, has historically been considered by regional and trans-regional countries. For this reason, the conflicting approaches and attitudes of each of the actors in this region have made the Persian Gulf one of the most divergent regions in the world; So that we have witnessed the lack of lasting security in the region. Accordingly, the present study seeks to analyze the obstacles to the formation of a regional security system in the Persian Gulf.

The method used is descriptive-analytical, which uses the theory of constructivism to answer the question of what factors have prevented the formation of a regional security system in the Persian Gulf?

The findings show that self-help and lack of a common security strategy, geopolitical environmental challenges, currency and border disputes, crisis of democracy and internal disputes (ethnic, racial and political), homogeneous and fragile economies, religious disputes and inequalities Cultural and social, the decline of traditional hegemony and the multiplicity of polarity and continuity in the arms race are obstacles that have prevented the formation of a stable security regime in the region.

The complexity and instability of the security regime in the Persian Gulf region, in addition to foreign interference, has been more the result of conflicting approaches and perceptions of regional actors and these problems and obstacles require tolerance for more dialogue and drawing a new model to resolve. The security concerns of all countries in the region are for the formation of lasting security in the Persian Gulf.

Following the numerous crimes committed by the ISIS terrorist group in Iraq, the Islamic Republic of Iran rushed to help this country at the official request of the Iraqi government, and finally, the possessions of ISIS were liberated and this criminal group was suppressed. The purpose of this research is to examine Iran's support in the Iraq crisis after the emergence of ISIS with the three steps of the responsibility of support guide including prevention, intervention and reconstruction in an analytical and descriptive way. Examining the behavior pattern of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic in Iraq after the emergence of ISIS shows that although the prevention phase of the responsibility of protection guideline has not been fully implemented by the Islamic Republic of Iran, there is sufficient evidence of the implementation of intervention and reconstruction steps by the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the guideline of the responsibility of protection in Iraq. has it. Iran's presence in Iraq, along with national security justifications, has a human rights and human security aspect. Iran's confrontation with the ISIS terrorist group in Iraq, which has committed all the crimes under the responsibility of protection guidelines, is an example of the Islamic Republic of Iran's support for the oppressed and the oppressed, as stipulated in the Iranian constitution, and the application of human rights is a tool against human rights.
Iran's foreign policy after the victory of the Islamic Revolution has always been a mixture of ideological goals and national interests. Iran's Islamic Revolution brought about a fundamental change in Iran's political and cultural structure, which has always influenced foreign policy. The core of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is to secure national interests in the light of preserving human life and dignity. Human dignity has a special place in Islamic teachings. The same humanitarian view can be observed in all foreign policy behaviors of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the beginning until now. Supporting the oppressed and liberation movements is complementary to de-arrogance and anti-oppression, so that there is a logical and functional connection between fighting against the oppressed and supporting the oppressed; Therefore, in parallel with the fight against arrogance and colonialism, the Islamic Republic considers itself obliged to support the oppressed of the world and the liberation movements that fight against the arrogant and colonialists. Article 154 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic states that "the Islamic Republic of Iran ... supports the rightful struggle of the oppressed against the arrogant in any part of the world
Humanitarian intervention in countries has a long history. During his tenure, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon tried to develop a coherent framework for humanitarian intervention to support minorities and the oppressed around the world so that the world would no longer witness tragedies like Bosnia and Uganda. The result of these efforts is the adoption of the UN leaders in 2005, which became known as the Responsibility to Protect Directive, which states that whenever a country is unable or unwilling to defend its citizens against the four crimes of racial discrimination, war crimes, crimes against humanity and mass murder, the international community is obliged to Hasten to help the oppressed. After attacking Iraq and occupying a third of the country's territory, the ISIS terrorist group committed the four crimes under the responsibility of support guidelines, as evidenced by international organizations and the world's media. Considering the weakness of the Iraqi government in supporting the homeless people, this government sought help from the Islamic Republic of Iran. The military forces of our country also entered Iraq in the form of an advisory mission and helped the government. Many western politicians have considered the action of the Islamic Republic as a clear interference in the internal affairs of Iraq. However, according to the opinion of many other politicians, the Islamic Republic of Iran entered into a campaign with the sole aim of helping the Iraqi people, which had no other purpose than the responsibility of support.
This research has been carried out with the aim of adapting the support behavior of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the government and people of Iraq after the emergence of ISIS and seeks to answer the question of how the logic and pattern of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding Iraq after the emergence of ISIS is based on the responsibility of support guidelines. And its triple steps including prevention, intervention and reconstruction can be explained? So far, all the researches about Iran's regional activities have been analyzed with a political, security and ideological approach, and the innovative aspect of this research is the examination of Iran's regional presence from the perspective of international law and human rights.
 
Iran's presence in Iraq, along with the humanitarian approach and human rights, has national security justifications for the Islamic Republic of Iran, which has attracted the attention of researchers and thinkers, but Iran's approach to human security in the Iraq crisis stems from the Iranian constitution, which protects the oppressed against the aggressors. He knows the duty of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Criticisms of Iran's presence in Iraq mostly refer to the interests of the superpowers, which are in conflict with the foreign policy and human security guidelines of the Islamic Republic of Iran. For this reason, over the past years, Iran has always been exposed to human rights accusations by international bodies affiliated with superpowers. Accusations that are mostly caused by cultural and social differences between Iran and the West. Despite all the differences of tastes and perceptions in the definition of human rights, the preservation of the lives of innocents and civilians as well as the survival of the human race is the common thread of all human rights theories and systems. The behavior of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic has a lot of capacity to show this foundation of human rights. The important point is that contrary to the famous saying "Religion is the opium of nations", it is the teachings of Islam that form the basis of this international behavior of Iran. The last word is that Iran's approach to human security in Iraq is an example of applying human-oriented human rights against benefit-oriented human rights. Human rights focus on dealing with human crimes not according to the nature of the crime, but on the basis of friendship or enmity with the perpetrators. Of course, it should be known that the future of human rights depends on a humane and non-discriminatory understanding of human dignity.

The international behaviors of governments are considered meaningful and identity oriented when their factors and motivations are identified, explained and scientifically interpreted in the framework of one of the theories of international relations. The deepening and expansion of relations between Afghanistan and Turkey is one of those behaviors that have taken place in the field of international relations, and the analysis and recognition of its causes and factors within the framework of the constructivist theory is the main goal of this article. The constructivist approach, while paying attention to semantic phenomena such as identity, history, narrating and mental perception, also pays attention to material structures such as political and economic interests. The main question of the article is what are the structural foundations that deepened and expanded the relations between Ankara and Kabul from 2001 to 2021.The hypothesis of the article is that the common social, cultural, historical, economic and political structures are considered to be the most important foundations and structural platforms that have facilitated the deepening and expansion of relations between Afghanistan and Turkey in the mentioned time period. Research findings show that "identity" and "interest" are the main axes of relations between Ankara and Kabul. with the difference that identity has played a role as a temporary structure and benefit as a permanent structure. It seems that Turkey has succeeded in achieving its desired goals and interests in relation to Afghanistan.

Moderate approaches (social constructivism, critical theory, and the English School) emerged in international relations (IR) theory following intellectual developments and sociopolitical transformations in the second half of the 20th century. Setting the stage for new approaches to challenge positivists, these developments shaped the “Third Great Debate,” which fairly involved moderate approaches. Like post-structuralists, moderate theorists opposed rationalists and put forward their own distinct ontological and epistemological arguments against the mainstream. This comparative study sought to explore the epistemological basis of moderate approaches with regard to three epistemological concerns: the possibility, nature, and purpose of knowledge. Accordingly, the main question addressed by this study was: How do moderate approaches in IR regard the possibility, nature, and purpose of knowledge?

Western Asia is a crucial and conflict-ridden region in the world. A major conflict has been between Arabs and the Israeli regime, but Saudi Arabia- Israel relations have been normalizing since 2015. Iran, a state that holds Israel and some Arab countries as enemies, founded the “Axis of Resistance” to expand its influence and security in the region. However, the normalization of relations seems to have jeopardized the Axis of Resistance, which this study aimed to analyze. Accordingly, the study's main question was as follows: What threats does the normalization of Saudi-Israeli relations pose against the Axis of Resistance, affecting the Islamic Republic of Iran’s national security? The significance of this descriptive-analytical study was in the fact that any developing threats against the Axis of Resistance expanding around the Islamic Republic can impact Iran’s national security. The results revealed that normalization of relations has led to threats against the Axis of Resistance, including supporting domestic, separatist, and opposition forces of the Islamic Republic in Iran and supporting regional and international anti-Axis of Resistance forces throughout the axis members, i.e., Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen, and Iraq.

War weariness and destruction caused by the intensity of the two World Wars persuaded the Europeans to search for an immediate and lasting solution to bring together the allies and adversaries among the countries of Europe in a regional security arrangement. The European Union (EU) as a symbol of regional unity, cooperation and integration has faced uncertainties and instability over the years. Indeed, Brexit can be seen as the culmination of a wave of secessionist and nationalist tendencies that have challenged European integration now more than ever. The result of the referendum of 23 June of the United Kingdom (UK) sent a great shockwave across the territory covered by the EU. It was predicted that the proposal of Britain''''s withdrawal from the EU would be dismissed by an agreement based on David Cameron''''s four-point plan to renegotiate the terms of Great Britain''''s EU membership, but 52 percent of British voters agreed to the Brexit, and thus ended their country''''s 42-year membership of the European Union.The assumption is that political culture as a part of a shared national identity of a state shape its views on national interest which in turn guide its policy preferences, policymaking, and policy implementation in the various foreign policy issue areas. In this context, our research questions are: How has British political culture influenced its orientations and policies towards the European Union? 2. To what extent will the Brexit affect the UK foreign policy towards the EU in the future? In the research hypothesis, the authors claim that British political culture with its peculiar conservative attribute has adversely affected its European foreign policy, culminating in its withdrawal from the EU. Using the theoretical framework of constructivism, they rely on the method of conceptual content analysis to examine official statements ade by the British leadership and discuss the findings of referendum and public opinion surveys related to Brexit to find answers to the research questions.Britain is one of the victorious countries in the Second World War, has an imperial background and is an island-state located on the periphery of the European continent— all these factors have influenced British politics to this day. The perception of being a powerful country with a rich history has had a significant impact on the foreign policy behaviors of the UK, and consequently has contributed to the unwillingness of British policymakers to commit their country to the ideas and actions which might diminish its role and standing in the international system. Today, as an island nation cut off from the continental Europe, England together with its much smaller overseas territories around the world, represents only a small fragment of a former empire that disintegrated a long time ago, but most British people evidently are unwilling to forget the glory of its past. Accordingly, the UK has not yet completed its process of full decline and has aspiration of somehow regaining its hold on its vast former colonies and dependent territories. It is a contradiction that needs to be examined closely. Its national identity is muddled because of how the British political elites and ordinary citizens view their country’s standing in the world today. They perceive the UK as a greater power than it really is.The results of Brexit referendum indicated that most British public and political elites believed that their country would be in a more favorable position if it were to be less involved in the mainland Europe. As a result, they accepted the Brexit which reflected some kind of self-interested isolationism and a desire to leave Europe''''s problems to the rest of the EU members. Here, selective isolationism refers to a preference to disassociate the UK from the EU crises which might require coordinated policies to deal with unusual situations. Interestingly, this type of isolationism does not include issues related to the Britain’s interests in the Middle East and similar non-European issues which do not impose disproportionate financial burden on the country. Therefore, the UK continues to increase its political power by walking alongside the powerful European players if the collective security arrangement does not limit its freedom of action to pursue its own foreign policy objectives and priorities. British political culture has had a significant impact on the formulation of this country''''s foreign policy towards the EU. However, Brexit does not mean that this former imperial power has abandoned its efforts to reach the position of a great power with the ability to influence world politics.

Politics and economics are closely related, politics decisively affects the fate of the world economy, and economics has far-reaching consequences for international and global politics. The complexity of the interactions of economics and politics has formed the academic discipline of international political economy (IPE) with its flexible boundaries. Liberalism, realism, and Marxism have been the three dominant and traditional approaches to the study of international political economy. In an analogous way to the studies of international relations, the field of IPE has undergone theoretical diversity since the 1990s. At present, markets have become globalized, and cooperation or conflict of interests is one of the obvious realities of political economy. Therefore, theory building and hypothesis testing in international political economy—examining the relationship between governments and the markets—has also gone beyond the conventional theories. Thus, theories such as constructivism, postmodernism, criticism, feminism, and environmentalism have been taken into consideration. Of these, constructivism as a new intellectual endeavor has attracted a great deal of attention in the research on the global political economy. In this paper, the two research questions are as follows: 1. What are the foundations of the constructivist theory of international political economy? 2. To what extent is constructivism relevant to the study of international political economy? Using an analytical-explanatory approach, various research findings of the prior works have been examined to identify propositions and important themes. To get insight into the constructivists’ perspectives, we compare and explain different constructivist arguments about the need to apply their theoretical approaches to the field of IPE. Then, an attempt has been made to answer the research questions by analyzing and inferring from the qualitative data taken from these texts. In the research hypothesis, it is postulated that relying solely on economic or political analyses without considering the interaction of politics and economics leads to the inability to fully understand the dynamics of the international political and economic order. Given the diversity of the objectives of the stakeholders in the political economy, the multiplicity and ambiguity of their preferences and strategies, as well as the uncertainties of the outcome of the actions of the competing state and non-state actors have increasingly made the researchers’ goals of explaining and predicting international political and economic processes and outcomes more difficult. Constructivism is an approach which attempts to understand "the dynamic roles played by ideas, norms, values and identities in political processes and outcomes", and provides a viable theoretical framework for analyzing issues in international political economy (i.e., the nature of conflict and cooperation in the areas of trade, finance, defense, development), and explaining the interaction between political and economic forces at international level.

Dealing with global challenges requires strengthening international solidarity. The two ideas of emphasizing the solidarity rights in human rights literature and the socially constucted identity in the framework of international relations theories are important theoretical efforts to strengthen the concept of international solidarity. The idea of solidarity rights aims to reduce the focus on individualism and encourage all international actors to participate in the implementation of this category of rights, but in comparison with individual rights, it lacks an alternative philosophical basis to justify this category of rights. Forthemore, The idea that identities are socially constructed opens the way to propose alternative narratives of identity in the theories of international relations, but it does not lead to the strengthening of the idea of solidarity. Achieving this goal requires presenting a new narrative of human nature. The question that we intend to answer in this article is how the Rumi's anthropological narrative helps to promote the concept of international solidarity. The argument of this article is that the approach of Rumi's anthropomorphism emphasizes the unity of human souls and the priority of this unity over individuality, identifying a common goal and strengthening the spirit of empathy and responsibility among humans. Therefor, it should be the basis for justifying the rights and common responsibilities of humans, and on the other hand, it should present a new narrative of human nature that expresses the unity and shared identity among humans.

In Syria and Yemen, the apparent power of ethnic and religious groups has led to civil war, rooted in the identity issues of these societies. Under the consensus cultural variable is the component of identity, which is one of the main factors and the foundation of the so-called Arab Spring developments. The majority of Arab societies suffer from the lack of national identity due to the plurality of ethnic and religious groups, which puts some groups in a superior political position and pushes others to the margins. Identity is at the top of the Arab developments, and other factors are placed below it. Even the difference in the process of developments in these societies is due to the identity issue. The aim of this research is to investigate the role of identity in the formation, results, and trends of recent developments in the Arab Middle East using constructivism in a descriptive and analytical way. The article's main question is, "What effect has the identity and identitarianism of ethnic and religious groups of Arab societies had on the formation and process of recent developments of these societies?" The findings indicate that the social structure of most Arab societies is very plural. Muslim groups in Arab countries are not cohesive, and there are many religious sects that fuel the religious divide of these societies. The biggest gap is between Shia and Sunni. The difference in the fundamentals of the belief principles of the various Sunni sects has led to their identity split. The Brotherhood, Salafism, and radical fundamentalism are the most effective identity discourses of the Sunni sect, which, along with the Shiites, try to spread their intellectual values and norms in Arab societies. The most prominent ethnic divide is related to the Kurdish ethnicity, which in countries such as Syria and Iraq pursue a different identity from the Arab ethnic groups due to their cultural values. Due to the lack of common norms in Arab societies, a common identity has not been formed in these countries, and we are facing a plurality of identities that are rooted in contradictions and conflicts. This is why during the Arab developments, three groups of fundamentalists, Shiites, and Kurds have become highly active in the analysis of identity action, and it is not possible to solve the crises of these societies without considering their demands.
When the political units do not pay attention to the intellectual, perceptive, normative, and identity components of the citizens, it is natural that conflicts between the government and the society will be created. This is what has been objectified in the Arab societies of the Middle East. The Arab totalitarian governments, by creating a fence around themselves, have actually limited the political and economic structure to their families and those around them and do not care about other peoples.
Therefore, what was formed in the Arab Middle East in 2011 cannot be unrelated to the ethnic-religious intellectual and normative patterns of this region. Even the trends and differences in the developments of Arab societies are not unrelated to the plural identity of these societies. The more cohesive the country is in terms of social structure, the faster the social movement ends, and we do not witness civil war or the presence of other countries in the course of the developments of these societies. A clear example of that is Egypt and Tunisia, where the overthrow of the governments resulted in relative peace in a short period of time. The lack of active ethnic-religious identities and their relatively coherent social structure caused the shortness of the transition period, low violence, and non-intervention of other countries in the course of the developments of these societies. However, identity pluralism in some societies such as Syria, Yemen, and to some extent Libya pushed the developments in another direction. In these societies, the depth of the identity difference is such that none of the parties backed down from their position, and the protests progressed towards civil war and widespread crisis. The identity and ideological war stemming from dry religious interpretations led to widespread violence in societies such as Syria, Iraq, and Yemen. The presence of active identity groups in the developments of these societies followed the reaction of transnational actors in the field of supporting identity groups close to them, which ultimately results in the prolongation of the crisis and proxy wars.

Recent revolutionary developments in the Arab world has been dependent on different variables. Among all the variables, foreign forces and actors are the most important ones which have impressed the political future of the Arab world. The reaction and involvement of foreign actors in issues of Arab countries was affected by different variables, such as security, Economic and Political-Ideological interests. Each of these actors had different behavior patterns towards the developments according to their policies. At the regional level, the acts and policies of several state actors including Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Iran and Israel, are particularly important. Therefore, the present study aims to assess the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the recent years’ developments in the Kingdom of Bahrain from the perspective of constructivism. The results of this article shows that Iran’s foreign policy towards the crisis in Bahrain was based on identity components and it seems natural that Iran's foreign policy towards the country is experiencing a phase change

Iran's Islamic Revolution created a new identity in the Middle East by relying on religious values and norms and highlighting political Islam. This identity has affected the country's national security in many ways. This means that national security in c. A. Iran has political, economic, cultural and identity dimensions that have been formed not only in the internal borders, but also in the external borders and the creation of a revolutionary and resistance-based identity. This is because many governmental and non-governmental political groups have been formed in the Middle East region, which have been influenced by the teachings and slogans of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, and from the perspective of constructivism, a common identity based on resistance has emerged. The aim of the current research is to investigate the role of resistance axis in identity-giving to the dimensions of national security c. A. It is Iran. This question is raised, in what ways does the axis of resistance affect J.A.'s national security? Has Iran made an impact? In response, it can be said that the axis of resistance in the economic dimension will strengthen Iran's economic influence among the countries of the Middle East region, in the security dimension it will expand and deepen Iran's military power, and in the political dimension it will continue the message of the Islamic Revolution in order to confront the arrogant regimes. will be The policy of resistance against Takfiri terrorism is interpreted by the interventionist policies of the United States of America and the Zionist regime, and it has also changed the regional power in Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Lebanon and even Bahrain in favor of Shiite groups. The axis of resistance as a continuation of the discourse of the Islamic Revolution has a significant role in the regional power of J.A. Iran and the increase of its deterrence power to realize the principles and goals of the revolution, including confronting global arrogance. In this article, the descriptive and analytical method and the theoretical framework of constructivism have been used.