جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « هویت گرایی » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Many analyzes about the Arbaeen phenomenon have been in the field of geopolitics and the political consequences of this phenomenon for the region and the world. While this phenomenon cannot be limited to the political-security domain; Rather, the analyzes of geoculture, focusing on identity issues, will shed light on its various dimensions, and from this entry, we can also enter into the identity analyzes surrounding the regional order. Based on this, it is very important to analyze why and how the Arbaeen procession affects the Shia geoculture, focusing on the identitarianism arising from it.

In methodology, research indicators, society and statistical sample will be studied using quantitative methods. This article is practical in terms of purpose, quantitative in terms of method, and field survey in terms of data collection method.

The findings of the research show that most of the statistical sample of the research, despite having different views on Shiite identityism, are sensitive to its existing challenges and have a tendency to be active. Also, the statistical sample of the Arbaeen procession has evaluated the promotion of the sense of belonging to the Shiite identity, which shows that; The Arbaeen ceremony has had a positive effect in preserving, consolidating and strengthening the Shiite identity among its followers.

Based on the findings of the research, the fading of physical boundaries and the expansion of identity boundaries in the belief of social forces in the future, it seems likely that if it is accompanied by the provision of solidarity grounds, it will cause It will be the cultural geography of social groups.

In Syria and Yemen, the apparent power of ethnic and religious groups has led to civil war, rooted in the identity issues of these societies. Under the consensus cultural variable is the component of identity, which is one of the main factors and the foundation of the so-called Arab Spring developments. The majority of Arab societies suffer from the lack of national identity due to the plurality of ethnic and religious groups, which puts some groups in a superior political position and pushes others to the margins. Identity is at the top of the Arab developments, and other factors are placed below it. Even the difference in the process of developments in these societies is due to the identity issue. The aim of this research is to investigate the role of identity in the formation, results, and trends of recent developments in the Arab Middle East using constructivism in a descriptive and analytical way. The article's main question is, "What effect has the identity and identitarianism of ethnic and religious groups of Arab societies had on the formation and process of recent developments of these societies?" The findings indicate that the social structure of most Arab societies is very plural. Muslim groups in Arab countries are not cohesive, and there are many religious sects that fuel the religious divide of these societies. The biggest gap is between Shia and Sunni. The difference in the fundamentals of the belief principles of the various Sunni sects has led to their identity split. The Brotherhood, Salafism, and radical fundamentalism are the most effective identity discourses of the Sunni sect, which, along with the Shiites, try to spread their intellectual values and norms in Arab societies. The most prominent ethnic divide is related to the Kurdish ethnicity, which in countries such as Syria and Iraq pursue a different identity from the Arab ethnic groups due to their cultural values. Due to the lack of common norms in Arab societies, a common identity has not been formed in these countries, and we are facing a plurality of identities that are rooted in contradictions and conflicts. This is why during the Arab developments, three groups of fundamentalists, Shiites, and Kurds have become highly active in the analysis of identity action, and it is not possible to solve the crises of these societies without considering their demands.
When the political units do not pay attention to the intellectual, perceptive, normative, and identity components of the citizens, it is natural that conflicts between the government and the society will be created. This is what has been objectified in the Arab societies of the Middle East. The Arab totalitarian governments, by creating a fence around themselves, have actually limited the political and economic structure to their families and those around them and do not care about other peoples.
Therefore, what was formed in the Arab Middle East in 2011 cannot be unrelated to the ethnic-religious intellectual and normative patterns of this region. Even the trends and differences in the developments of Arab societies are not unrelated to the plural identity of these societies. The more cohesive the country is in terms of social structure, the faster the social movement ends, and we do not witness civil war or the presence of other countries in the course of the developments of these societies. A clear example of that is Egypt and Tunisia, where the overthrow of the governments resulted in relative peace in a short period of time. The lack of active ethnic-religious identities and their relatively coherent social structure caused the shortness of the transition period, low violence, and non-intervention of other countries in the course of the developments of these societies. However, identity pluralism in some societies such as Syria, Yemen, and to some extent Libya pushed the developments in another direction. In these societies, the depth of the identity difference is such that none of the parties backed down from their position, and the protests progressed towards civil war and widespread crisis. The identity and ideological war stemming from dry religious interpretations led to widespread violence in societies such as Syria, Iraq, and Yemen. The presence of active identity groups in the developments of these societies followed the reaction of transnational actors in the field of supporting identity groups close to them, which ultimately results in the prolongation of the crisis and proxy wars.

This article aims to identify the consequences and effects of regional security of identityism in the Middle East by examining the identity characteristics of the Middle East. The main question of the article is "what are the characteristics of Middle Eastern identityism and what effects has it left on regional security?"

In this article, the framework of identitarianism theory as a paradigm of new regional studies was used as a research method, as well as Cohen's breaking belt approach, Thorn's new paradigm, and Melouchi's cultural rotation were also used.

The finding of the article is that "identityism in the Middle East has been formed based on religious, cultural, historical and identity differentiation and has led to low-intensity conflict and proxy wars."

In the identity conflicts of the Middle East, all kinds of official and unofficial actors are involved in political and strategic conflicts, and identity groups are trying to reproduce a new form of justice and create the ground for the realization of a new method in political relations.

The world is made up of a collection of great and small civilizations with different cultures. One of the great civilizations is Islamic Context is Shiite civilization. Many analyzes on issues related to the Islamic world is explaining geopolitical issues. Few analyzes, with the help of identity and cultural analysis, have covered Geo Cultural analysis. This has been neglected for a long time for a number of reasons. But today, the return to civilizational, cultural, and identity analysis is an inevitable necessity. The Arbaeen March is a social phenomenon that cannot be explained by Geopolitical analysis, and there is a need to pay attention to the discourse or interdisciplinary perspective to analyze it. The question here is why and how the Arbaeen March affects the formation of Shiite Geo Culture. To answer this question, we first examine the factors that influence the impact of culture on the identity group under study and the reason for the formation of Geo Culture, as research indicators, and using quantitative methods of statistical population. Also, the barriers to the formation of Shiite geoculture and their impact have been investigated and compared between both types of factors to find the answer to the main research question. The present research is applied in terms of purpose, Functional, in terms of method, descriptive-analytical, and in terms of data collection survey.

Regime change could have different local, regional and international impacts. The more political, security and cultural ties of a regime, the more change impacts it cause. Although, the intensity and depth of regime's friendship and enmity, has a vital role in depth and scope of change impacts. This article assuming that regime change and democratization in Bahrain would have strategic impacts, tries to study these impacts in different levels of analysis. Shia power in Bahrain, increases of Shia power in region, changes in geopolitical structure of region, transformation of friendship and enmity models in Persian Gulf, are among impacts of regime change and democratization in Bahrain.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran، created a new form of power equation in the international policy. This was organized on the basis of the ideological symptoms and measures and the political structure of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. On the other side، it can be emphasized that many of the factors and symptoms of security building in Iran count as a reaction to the international، regional، and internal threats. So، the discourse on I. R. I national security is associated with the ideological-structural symptoms and factors on the one side، and can also be considered a reaction to the various. security threats of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on the other This article tries for security-building related factors to be considered through “the discourse on resistance”. This discourse is considered as oneof the factors of power-building against the threats. On the other side، it can be emphasized that the discourse on I. R. I. national security against various levels of threats is founded on exploiting the factors of soft power. The discourse on resistance counts as a symbol of soft power in the course of. security building، as well as in countering security threats Due to the fact that the discourse on I. R. I national security is of an asymmetric nature، it should be evaluated under the title of “culture-based asymmetry”. This approach has been offered by theorists like Keegan and Huntington. On the basis of this approach، every country and political system has its own specific perception of threat and security، the threats being countered based on that country”s identity and cultural factors. This emphasizes making “distinctions between countries” in terms of strategic and security behavior. This article tries to notice and analyze the relationship between soft power and culture-based asymmetric action in order to. counter the threats in I. R. I security policy