جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Clergy » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

With the beginning of the Syrian crisis and the formation and strengthening of the multi-polar space, with the opening of new social gaps during the Arab Spring, political, ideological, economic and social differences appeared at once. Although this dispute was formed against the rule of Bashar al-Assad, it became a fundamental factor for finding a difference between the opposing groups and turned the crisis of this country into a regional and international crisis. The current research is an answer to this important question: What effect and role do social and cultural gaps and differences play in the occurrence and escalation of the Syrian crisis? The hypothesis of the answer to the current question is that: the crisis of national identity, the strong dominance of the culture of ethnocentrism and ethnic sectarianism along with the intensification of takfiri currents in the absence of a common and homogeneous civil culture between ethnic groups and groups caused the Syrian crisis to strongly diverge. intense political and social and civil war moves. The current research is explained in terms of descriptive-analytical method with reference to written sources. As a result the Syrian political crisis has long-term cultural, social and political roots, and the accumulated identity conflict has caused nation-building in Syria to fail over several decades.

Developments have been influenced by various factors such as the political, social and economic conditions of Afghanistan. Understanding the developments of the Taliban is essential for understanding the current situation in Afghanistan and predicting the future of this country. The purpose of this article is to answer the question, what developments have occurred in the approach and performance of the Taliban from the 1994 to 2021? Considering the past and present developments of the Taliban, the main hypothesis is that the ideology and policy of this group on various issues such as human rights, women's and girls' rights, education, foreign policy and economy has more adaptability and flexibility compared to the past and this flexibility is limited in the methods related to it and the main goal and slogans of the Taliban are still extreme. Using the qualitative research method (causal type) and various sources, this article examines the developments of the ideology, strategy, technique and policies of the Taliban from the 1994 to 2021 so that the developments of the Taliban can be revealed to some extent.

The role of clergy has always been prominent in the history of Iran and from the constitutional movement to the Islamic revolution, clergymen have played a major role in Iran's political and social developments. Discourse developments in the field of clergy political thought in the constitutional movement until the victory of the Islamic Revolution is a turning point in the history of Iran which led to profound changes in various political, social, economic and cultural fields of Iran. These two important events in the history of Iran are actually a reflection of the social and political developments of these two periods of time. The purpose of this research is to answer the question: how has the political discourse and thought of the clergy evolved during the periods of the constitutional movement, Pahlavi dynasty and the Islamic revolution? The hypothesis of this research is that the political thought of clergy in Iran has experienced important changes during the constitutional, Pahlavi and Islamic Republic periods. In the constitutional, Pahlavi and Islamic Republic periods, the clergy gradually reached an active and leading role in the field of politics and society from its traditional role as the protector of religion. The research method of this article is qualitative (causal explanation). The data collection method of this research is library type using different sources along with rereading theoretical concepts about the revolution. This research seeks to describe the evolution of clergy discourse and political thought from the constitutional movement to the Islamic revolution.

With the victory of the Islamic revolution and the clergy`s occupation in the political affairs arising from it, the political functions have originated from the religious functions. Investigating the single category of religion and politics and the establishment of the Islamic system is one of the primary goals of this research, which tries to answer the question of what kind of objective and subjective relationship between politics and the clergy has emerged in the establishment of the Islamic Revolution, and what functions the clergy has. In response to this question, the hypothesis is based on the fact that maintaining and strengthening national-Islamic unity and solidarity is one of the most important effective institutional functions that highlights the role of the clergy in the development of the Islamic system. The findings of the research, which is analytical and based on the theoretical framework of functionalism, show that protection, support and political expediency in the direction of the establishment of the Islamic system, strengthen the institutional areas in the social and political fields.

Different classes and groups played a role in the victory of the Islamic Revolution. The question is that what was the reaction of the clergy to the most important political developments of the 1960s and what relationship existed between Imam Khomeini and the clergy during this decade? The hypothesis of the article is that in the first half of the 1960s, the clergy had the most actions in the country's political arena, and in the second half, its reaction to political events decreased. To answer the main question, a quantitative-qualitative method has been used. In the quantitative method, all the correspondences of Imam Khomeini between the years 1961 and 1970 were statistically arranged according to the audience, date, and content, and in the next step, these correspondences were analyzed using the qualitative content analysis method. The research findings showed that in the second half of the 1960s, Imam Khomeini became concerned about the inactivity of the clergy and their attention to educational issues or less important issues. The statements of Imam Khomeini confirm that the clergy did not support the revolution uniformly and the actions of some of them were harmful to the movement in this decade.

Imam Khomeini, by emphasizing the religious thought and teachings of Shiite Islam in an era that was interpreted as the end of ideologies and the end of history, using Shiite Islamic political culture to draw a kind of political thought based on religious virtues, which according to Fukuyama Was the secularization of the world (the return of spirituality to the soulless world). The present article aims to explain the intellectual foundations of Shiite jurisprudence in the process of victory and continuation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, using a descriptive-analytical method, what is the impact of Shiite jurisprudential principles, especially the theory of Velayat-e Faqih in the victory and continuation of the Islamic Revolution? Is ? It seems that the revolutionary discourse and the theory of Velayat-e-Faqih, as a unifying factor, have ensured political sovereignty and independence and the continuation of the Islamic Republic in Iran.

With the Sassanids coming to the fore and applying the new policy of unity of religion and government for the first time in Iran, Zoroastrian clerics became important not only in religious matters but also in the administration of state and army affairs. He was the highest-ranking Zoroastrian cleric in the Sassanid era of chaplains, and in addition to addressing religious issues, he also dealt with legal and political issues. One of the most important and, of course, the most sensitive functions of chaplains in this era, as the intellectual representative of the Sassanid government, was to institutionalize the policy of the integration of religion and state into the state and society, as well as to legitimize the Sassanid religious state.Grand judge in the Abbasid era, like the chaplain of the Sassanid era, exerted influence in politics and society.Grand judge in the Abbasid era had the same function as chaplains in the Sassanid era in establishing stability and security in the Abbasid realm, as well as establishing justice and resolving disputes.This article asks the main question:Was there a relation between the position and function of the chaplains of the Sassanid era and the grand judge of the Abbasid era? Explores the function and position of grand judge in the Abbasid era. The achievement of the research indicates that grand judge had an important place in the Abbasid era not only in judicial affairs but also in political and administrative matters, but his most important function was to legitimize the Abbasid caliphate against religious differences and votes

 

The history of the party in the sense of population in Iran has a long history and the political party in a specific way and with the framework of conventional and new resistance of parties in Iran does not exceed about a century and dates back to the constitutional period or a little earlier. Throughout the history of Iranian political thought, clerics, especially since the Safavid era, have played a fundamental and important role in the political actions of the people.

The method used in this research is a combination of documentary and descriptive-analytical methods. This research is not based on political sociology and aims to study historical events and historiography, so not all historical cases are mentioned for the titles and only important evidence is used. The method of data collection is content analysis.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution opened a new chapter for the activities of groups, organizations and political parties; And witnessed the confrontation of different political factions and, in contrast, the unification of different groups around a common axis. The issue of the relationship between the clergy and the parties in charge of which the clergy are responsible has long been an important and challenging issue in the field of clergy. The small number of clerics who rushed to party-building or even to use the existing modern order before the revolution were also openly criticized and subjected to various accusations.

Analyzing the position of the clergy in politics and, consequently, the relationship between religion and politics, is one of the recurring issues in the field of Islamic and even secular humanities. It seems that the analysis of the views of the founders of the Islamic Revolution will help to better understand the angles and secrets of the three categories of religion, politics and clergy, and therefore in this study, we will try to do from the perspective of Ayatollah Mahdavi He was one of the students of Imam Khomeini (RA) and a revolutionary pioneer fighter, and in addition to his scientific and jurisprudential weight and his seminary position, he also had first-level political and governmental responsibilities. Let us investigate the subject of research. The main question of the research is what is the position of the clergy in politics from the perspective of Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani? To reach the answer, the method of content analysis has been used and the result of this study shows that Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani believes in the role of religion in the type of political system, legitimacy of the political system, determining the ruler of the political system, citizenship rights and duties, selection of agents It is political and the style of politics. Accordingly, regarding the politics of the clergy, they have pointed out the five dimensions of basis, necessity, permissible and unauthorized areas, and finally the tools of the clergy.

Simultaneously with the beginning of the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar in Iran, the institution of Shiite authority appeared in the structure of the Shiite clergy and gained the same credibility as the founding of the monarchy in the realm of Sharia. The method of research is descriptive-analytical and based on the sources of that era and contemporary research has been done and shows that after the fall of Safavid rule and the departure of the religion from the domination of the government, a suitable platform was provided for the activities of more dynamic Shiite currents. The emergence of new phenomena in the structure of religion was realized. Then the intensification of competition for publicity among fundamentalist scholars, conflicts with the emerging sects of Sheikh and Babi and the need to deal effectively with environmental threats, respectively, led to the evolution of the idea of ​​authority, the unity of the clergy and consensus on the first general authority. He succeeded Sheikh Morteza Ansari. After a period of hardship following the death of Sheikh Ansari and the re-establishment of the competition, Mirza Mohammad Hassan Shirazi gained general acceptance and authority by playing the leading role in the tobacco movement.

The present article seeks to answer the question of what effect Iranian clerics living in Iraq had on the developments of the first Pahlavi period and what was their reaction to Reza Shah's government's actions that had important consequences on religion and the position of the clergy in Iran? The main hypothesis is that Iranian clerics and religious authorities living in Iraq could not be the source of influence in the developments during Reza Shah's rule. This was rooted in various issues that have been examined in detail in this article. The research method in this article is based on the method of historical analysis and description. Historical documents and sources, research sources of domestic and foreign authors related to the first Pahlavi period, and journals are some of the sources used in this article.

One of the pivotal components in the formation and victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran has been the formation of protest movements around the axis of mosques. Despite the many literature and works in this field, but a large volume of these issues, the role of mosques as a public sphere has been ignored. Examine a traditional public sphere and its consequence on the formation of the Islamic Revolution. The results show that mosques in the period leading up to the Islamic Revolution as a common public sphere between the clergy, religious intellectuals and the masses for discussion, political dialogue and subsequently the formation of the ideological-revolutionary discourse versus Secular discourse emerged and paved the way for the victory of the revolution. The research method in this research is interpretive and qualitative and data and information have been collected using library resources and Internet resources related to the subject...

With the victory of the Islamic Revolution, many of the dominant discourses in various fields, including historical discourse, changed. Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei played a pivotal role in directing this discourse change as the leaders of the Islamic Republic. In the historical discourse of Iran after the revolution, talking about the historical understanding and insight of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei is very important; especially since the insights, methods and values accepted in historiography as well as the historical thinking of some Iranian historians after the revolution have been greatly influenced by their views and approaches. Given the importance of this issue, the present article seeks to answer the question of what is the place of history and historiography in the historical discourse of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei as the leaders of the Islamic Republic. And in the next step in the form of a comparative study, what are the similarities and differences between the historical discourse of these two leaders.

The interaction of the clergies and power, and their participation in the various branches of government are among the issues that have raised many questions in terms of jurisprudence and history. Questions such as if the clergies are allowed to be in power and in charge of politics? And if they are allowed to, what are the restrictions? This is an important question for which there are different views. Some think that the presence of a qualified Faqih[1] at the head of a religious government is a reason for the presence of other clerics in power; However, in the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist theory, there is no mention of this and Khomeini in his theory has not clarified the duties of other clerics in the branches of the government. This task was gradually clarified with the establishment of a religious government in Iran, and Khomeini imposed borders and restrictions on their entry into government. This article tries to analyze the basic principle of Khomeini's thought and the conditions for deviating from it regarding the entry of clerics into power as an empirical and historical model.

The oil industry is one of the most effective and largest industries in the world, especially in Iran. The nationalization of Iran's oil industry is one of the most important historical events in political life, during which Iranians came to the political arena to not only burn the roots of foreign colonialism forever, but also pave the way for the country's development. The present article deals with the role of the clergy in the nationalization of the oil industry; It is an important and significant event, which should be considered as one of the most important experiences. It can be concluded that the nationalization of the oil industry of our beloved country of Iran, which cut off Ayyad Bey's hands from looting and plundering this national capital, what played a major role in this regard, and it can be considered as a point of gravity. He considered the victory of sweetness and greatness to be the close and strong connection of the masses with the clergy, especially Ayatollah Kashani (may God have mercy on him), who awakened the nation with his enlightenment and awakened them from their slumber. It was possible that even the properties of the society, such as Dr. Mossadegh, had the opportunity to stand up and, thanks to this strong support, stand up to the court and the British and nationalize the oil industry; And also the open political space after September 1320, provided the field of activity for all classes, including the clergy. As a result, the clerics regained their lost power and took a stand against various currents, including the nationalization of the oil industry, in order to nationalize Iran's oil industry.

The political formation of the contemporary seminary of Qom is one of the studies that can pave the way for us to know what is going on inside this seminary. Although useful reflections have been made in this regard so far, the lack of some necessary knowledge about the nature of political thought in the seminary of Qom has led to some inaccurate judgments. How can political thoughts be formulated within the seminary of Qom and differentiate focal and marginal ideas in it? There are two important questions that this article tries to answer clearly by drawing the boundaries of political thought in this field - as a symbol of Iranian scientific fields. The author's main claim is that the existence of four intersecting lines, the traditional or non-traditional view of political order and the negative or positive view of accepting or rejecting religious order, guides us in a realistic typology of political thought in this area. These thoughts, which are produced within certain norms and limitations, focus ideas and marginalize thinking. Turning to such a framework shows that .

The Islamic Revolution of Iran is the most important revolution that surprised the thinkers of the world. Because in the context of this movement, the thinkers of the world are confronted with a phenomenon called religion and the role-playing of the clergy, which was considered by many to be a symbol of solidarity and petrification. The Islamic Revolution, four decades after its victory, has been studied from various angles. One of the most important areas of study that Orientalists have focused on in recent years is the role of the clergy in the Islamic Revolution. The present study seeks to evaluate the theories on this issue using a descriptive-analytical method. The scientific results of this study indicate that Orientalists have not been able to provide a correct analysis of the role of clergy management in the Islamic Revolution due to lack of proper knowledge of the nature of the Islamic Revolution, its leadership and doubts about the scientific potential of Islam.

The clergy have always had a high position in Iranian society due to having various cultural, symbolic, social and economic capitals. Although this position was established after the officialization of the Shia religion in the Safavieh period,but it has been accompanied by ups and downs in later periods. In order to investigate this issue the present research examines the capital of the clergy in Safavieh and Qajar periods from a historical and comparative perspective, using Pierre Bourdieu's theory. In this regard, the following question has been asked: What has changed with the arrival of the Qajar period of the clerical capital in relation to the Safavieh era? Further, it is hypothesized that given the beginning of modernization and the establishment of reforms in various fields during the Qajar period, it seems that the traditional capital of the clergy have been affected by these developments and weakened. To answer the research question, the cultural, symbolic, social and economic capital of clergy in the Safavieh and Qajar period have been reviewed and compared. in the Safavieh period, Shiite clerics enjoyed a high status in the society by taking various capitals, which encountered serious challenges as they entered the period of reform and modernization in the Qajar government. The present study has analyzed and compared the capitals of the clergy in these two periods with a comparative approach and by collecting resources in a library way.

The purpose of the present study was to analyze the role of the modernization process in the collapse of the Pahlavi dynasty from a cultural-religious perspective. The process of modernization and cultural-religious discourse in the Second Pahlavi era, the revolutionary religious movement against modernization of the state, the controversy over religious aspects, and its relation to the Pahlavi regime's ideological power and actions. The results of the descriptive-analytical study showed that the reason for the collapse of the Pahlavi dynasty was the religious and ethnic roots of the community, the clergymen's ignorance of the clergy, and the cultural influence of the clergy, which the government's modernization programs could not find support for. Overall, modernization and modernization influenced by Western models and based on the Shah Pahlavi's imperialist policies from the 40s onwards, aroused increasing concern amongst groups defending Islamic culture and tradition and triggered a revolution.