جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Conflict » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

IntroductionThe Caspian Sea region due to the presence of huge energy reserves and being located at the point of connection between the two continents of Asia and Europe; It becomes more important day by day. The interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the important members of this new region, are highly dependent on the pattern governing the region and its security issues.MethodologyBy using the literature of modern regionalism and the framework of regional security complexes and a two-step exploratory hybrid research method, the indicators of this theory are first evaluated in the studied region and then using the concept of dependence. Security interdependence, in two dimensions of security conflict (negative aspect of security interdependence) and security cooperation (positive aspect of security interdependence), issues for developing research tools (questionnaire) are counted. Then, in the quantitative stage of the research, the questionnaires are evaluated by a statistical sample of 49 experts in this field.ConclusionAny military cooperation of regional countries with extra-regional powers can lead the region to a security conflict. it is necessary to pay attention to the fact that the pursuit of these issues by the newly independent countries is usually the result of the implementation of extensive exercises and the creation of new bases by the Russian Federation in the Caspian Sea region. Therefore, it can be said that if this increasing trend continues in the coming years, the movement of the Caspian Sea region towards controversial patterns is inevitable.

West Asia as a region has always witnesed conflict and crisis due to various ideological, geopolitical, economic and political reasons. Various causes have been mentioned in connection with the formation of behavioral patterns of different local to global actors in the West Asian region. This article tries to answer three basic questions in this field: First, what are the key drivers of conflict in the West Asian region? Second, what are the possible scenarios of conflict in the West Asian region? And third, what are the optimal strategies to settle the conflict in this region? The present research is applied in terms of type and is futures studies and analytic in terms of nature and method. At first step, this article tries to identify the drivers of the conflict by referring to experts in this field and analyzing the findings using MicMac software. After identifying the key drivers, strong scenarios are determined by Scenario Wizard software. The research findings show that out of a total of 876 situations on the scenario portfolio, 592 are critical situations (67.5%), 284 are static situations (32.4%), and 12 are favorable situations (0.1%). Therefore, critical situations occupied a major part of the scenario portfolio. Finally, by considering the most possible scenarios and emphasizing the key drivers of conflict, some strategies are presented to settle the causes of conflict in West Asia.

The formulation of macro policies, rooted in governments’ particular perceptions of identity components and their aspiration to expand such components as subjective interests, has consistently wielded significant influence over governments’ interactions within their respective environments. To this end, governments resort to the securitization of identity in foreign policy, often resulting in heightened divergence between countries and coercive reactions from other governments. Consequently, this process compels states to focus only on military security to safeguard their political existence, thus diverting attention away from the imperative task of advancing the objective development in the country. In this respect, the present research aimed to address how the securitization of identity in foreign policy contributes to the conflict between subjective and objective interests.

As a descriptive–analytical inquiry, the present study employed library resources and statistical data to address the research question.

The theory of securitization, as proposed by the Copenhagen school, posits that a political actor can reframe or construct certain phenomena as security threats, even though they may not inherently pose the smallest threat to their existential security. Securitization, discussed here in relation to the concept of identity, may legitimize the use of hard levers in foreign policy under the guise of maintaining security. However, a pertinent question arises as to why some world states seek to recast identity components as either non-security or security strategies to advance their foreign policy objectives. The question can be addressed within three decision-making approaches; globalization, reaction to humiliation, and metaphysical coercion. First, the globalization approach relies on employing soft power tools to influence global public opinion to accept the identity components championed by the actor state. The objective is to attract rather than coerce others into embracing the desired identity components. The second approach, namely reaction to humiliation, is akin to a kind of cultural revanchism. This approach seeks revenge for the past actions by certain governments against a nation or its current political elite, grounded in both security and non-security expansion of identity in foreign policy. Third, metaphysical coercion shapes the overarching framework of foreign policy based on the ruling elites’ specific perceptions of identity components. It aims to compel nations to adopt the identity conception deemed favorable by the rulers of a country.Therefore, the securitization of identity emerges as an overarching strategy within the metaphysical coercion, and a significant strategy within the reaction to humiliation. The globalization approach appears to lack a strategic utilization of securitization of identity in foreign policy. Moreover, it is possible to combine the approaches, as in coercive–reactive approach which labels its users as possessing conflicting identity at the international level.Conflicting identity refers to securitized cultural, social, and political identities that seek to forcefully supplant others by relying on a deterministic belief in one’s supernatural superiority. Consequently, such an identity, as a whole, becomes targets for coercive reactions from those who fear the erosion of their own identity foundations. Nazi Germany serves as an example of conflicting identity in the early 20th century. Nazi Germany resorted to securitization of metaphysical ideas as in ethnicity and race, and mixed them with post-Versailles humiliation, thus forging a kind of conflicting identity. However, the Nazi securitization process ultimately led to Germany’s defeat and the demise of the Nazi regime, as they sacrificed objective interests in pursuit of metaphysical ideals. A coercive–reactive approach, as discussed in the case of Nazi Germany, may initially rally public support for the government’s coercive measures, temporarily deferring internal discord and friction between them. However, the inevitability of friction, even despite its delay, pertains to the issue of objective development.Securitization of identity in foreign policy not only compels governments to allocate national resources to security and military efforts but also tarnishes the nation’s image on the global stage, leading to the severance or reduction of political andeconomicties and subsequent imposition of numerous sanctions. The prime examples are the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China. Political identity was the cornerstone of the Soviet Union’s resort to securitization in foreign policy. This entailed security-infused conceptions in foreign policy (e.g., mobilizing national resources for exporting the Marxist revolution), which in turn resulted in U.S. sanctions and economic stagnation of the Soviet Union, compared to its Western counterparts. Finally, this course of action seriously contributed to the eventual collapse of the Soviet Union. Similarly, the security measures adopted by the People’s Republic of China also revolved around political identity. The Chinese approach involved the resource waste resulted from exporting the revolution to Third World countries, and the ensuing exclusionary actions by other countries (e.g., in the case of the U.N. seat). This evidently led to the stagnation in terms of objective development. However, with the ascent of Deng Xiaoping to power, the securitization of identity was phased out from China’s foreign policy agenda, and developmentalism has become the country’s primary strategy.As evidenced by these cases, the securitization of identity in foreign policy would inevitably lead to political, economic, social, and cultural deadlocks. Those who adopt this strategy are eventually compelled to acknowledge failure and retreat from their fundamental principles.

Securitization of identity in foreign policy, whether rooted in metaphysical coercion, reaction to humiliation, or their combination, will inevitably result in a conflict between subjective and objective interests. This conflict arises due to the depletion of national resources, the exclusionary reactions of other countries, and the imposition of objective pressures on society. Broadly speaking, relying on securitization of identity across all administrative levels, including foreign policy, skews the epistemic validity of actions towards ideological biases, thus neglecting human reason. Consequently, securitization of identity for legitimizing coercive measures across various domains only ensures the subjective security perceived by the government internally, albeit for a limited duration.

August1947 marked the date of Pakistan's independence. But this nation's relations with Afghanistan have been incredibly up and down from the time of its formation till now. This tense relationship could have been influenced by a lot of factors. However, it is evident that the blackness of these interactions has been negatively impacted by the Durand boundary line issue. Despite, numerous platforms of convergence, this boundary has led to tensions and a path of divergence for both bordering countries. The focus of this research is to evaluate the Durand border dispute on the turbid relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan. In this respect, a query regarding the impact that Afghanistan's border assertion based on the Durand Treaty had on Afghanistan-Pakistan affiliations can be posed, and what regional consequences it has brought? It seems that the prolonged border claims of the Afghan government related to the Durand border line has led to an increase in their hostility of relations with Pakistan. In this regard, the growth of extremism, the spread of insecurity, and the increase in migration are among the regional consequences of this conflict. And in this regard, the growth of extremism, the spread of insecurity and the increase in migration are among the regional effects of this conflict. The descriptive-analytical qualitative method has been used in this work. The findings of the research show that the Durand border strain between Afghanistan and Pakistan has had a significant negative impact on the relations of both countries in the political, security, economic and cultural aspects, and has caused heavy costs to furthermore, the growth of extremism has led to the spread of insecurity and increased migration as multiple regional upshots.

From Imam Khomeini's point of view, the provisions of the no-harm rule are a primary government prohibition, not a secondary and Shariah one, so the government is obliged to deal with people who cause harm to others. But the important question that is raised is whether the criminal treatment and criminalization of the harmful act in the family institution is compatible with the public interest? This article aims to answer this question by examining the conflict between criminalization in the family institution and expediency from the perspective of Imam Khomeini (RA), in a descriptive-analytical way. Since the ruler of the Islamic government enjoys the absolute guardianship of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and this matter is entrusted to the jurist. The orders and decrees issued by her are valid when they are subject to expediency and agree with it. On the other hand, based on rational and narrative reasons, preserving and strengthening the foundation of the family, by applying peaceful methods, is one of the aims and purposes of the Sharia and a subset of the public interest of the people, and criminalization is sometimes considered a violation of this purpos. Therefore With Imam's interpretation on the issue of "interest" and the supremacy of public interest over all governmental decrees, the conclusion is reached that protecting the foundation of the family is one of the main purposes of the Sharia and is in accordance with the public interest. And in the conflict between the necessity of criminalizing harmful acts in the family institution and protecting the public interest, priority will be given to public interest, not individual interest, and to criminalize it or not, public interest must be taken into consideration. In other words, in the clash of criminalization of the harmful act of family members based on the harmless government decree with the rule of expediency which requires the decriminalization of the family. The rule of expediency comes first, and for criminalizing the family institution, it is necessary to consider the public interest in all cases.

The upcoming research describes the past, explains the present and outlines the future of the security structure of the Middle East with an innovative approach and focusing on the patterns of conflict and cooperation between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Obviously, the main question of the research is, what effect has the regional rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia had on the security structure of the Middle East and how is the future of this structure affected by the rivalry between the two countries? The hypothesis that is proposed in the framework of the "Copenhagen Security School" and thinkers such as "Barry Buzan" and "Oli Weaver" in response to this question considers regional conflict and cooperation patterns as an important factor in the formation and evolution of the regional security structure. It seeks to prove the proposition that the conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia has had a significant impact on regional security and is considered one of the main drivers of the new order in the Middle East. The research method is qualitative analysis using the process tracing method. The dependent variable of the research is the security structure of the Middle East and the independent variable is the patterns of conflict and cooperation between Iran and Saudi Arabia in certain historical periods. Therefore, the research method is focused on the causal sequence of events that have shaped the patterns of relations between the two countries and are naturally effective on the security structure of the Middle East.

Geopolitical genomes are geographical phenomena related to independent political units with sovereignty or the same countries that require strategic thinking for their internal and external policies. These genetic codes, unique to each country, enable the prediction of foreign policy analysis and the actions of actors at national, regional, and global levels.
Since Iran and Saudi Arabia are the two main and influential players in the Southwest Asia region, knowing their geopolitical genomes is very important for the analysis of their foreign policy and geopolitical codes.
The current research aims to identify the influential genomes of the two countries in order to find out how they influence in shaping their foreign policy and explain the role of these genomes in the most important areas of conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia.
The research hypothesis suggests that the distinct geopolitical genomes of Iran and Saudi Arabia serve as the foundation for conflicts between the two countries at the regional level, especially impacting the national spaces of Syria, Yemen, and Bahrain.
 The research hypothesis suggests that the distinct geopolitical genomes of Iran and Saudi Arabia serve as the foundation for conflicts between the two countries at the regional level, especially impacting the national spaces of Syria, Yemen, and Bahrain.
The research methodology employed is descriptive-analytical and relies on information and library sources. The results of this study indicate a direct relationship between the genomes of the two countries and the escalation of competition and conflicts between Iran and Saudi Arabia.

This article is prepared and organized based on the security conditions of the Persian Gulf and providing solutions for stability and security in this sensitive international region. Stable security in this geo-strategic, geo-cultural and geo-political region of the world is of great importance due to the route of energy passage and estimation of more than 90% of fossil energies (in 2030). The geography of the Persian Gulf, which is separated from the Sea of Oman by the Strait of Hormuz, consists of the following countries: Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Qatar, which are important and vital for the world in terms of economy and fossil energy production. Is. Britain's withdrawal from this region and its replacement by the United States in 1970 has caused many ups and downs in this region of the Middle East. This year, the United States used the two countries of Iran and Saudi Arabia as two pillars of regional security to reduce the tension between the two countries and a barrier against communism in a plan called the Nixon-Kessinger doctrine (two-pillar security).

Due to its strategic importance, West Asia has caused multiple interventions by extra-regional powers, especially the United States of America. The Islamic Republic of Iran, with its policy of changing the status quo and adopting a policy of partnering with its strategic allies, has faced the expansionist policy of the United States. This article is prepared in response to the question that to what extent the US-Iranian military-security interests in West Asia have been effective in the strategic confrontation between the two governments.

The current research has been compiled in an explanatory-analytical way using library and internet resources and using the theory of realism.

Until 1979, Iran acted as a strategic ally of America in the region, after the Islamic revolution, it became the main actor of changing the status quo with a new governance plan, in opposition to the unilateralist interests of America. In order to maintain the superiority, the stability of the oil market and the commitment to the strategic allies of the region, America has destabilized the security in this part of the world and by creating a crisis, it has allocated a lot of money with the aim of containing Iran and the axis of resistance.

West Asia is important because of its strategic position for the promotion of American interests, including the protection of the Zionist regime and the free flow of oil. Iran's location at the world's transportation crossroads plays a role as a driving engine against the interests of America and its allies. For this reason, the United States has put a lot of effort into developing the military base, emphasizing the protection of its military-security interests and partners, Iranophobia policy, containment of Iran, establishment of offensive systems, sectarian and proxy war.

Some governments and organizations are preparing to exploit artificial intelligence (AI) in order to destabilize the world and benefit from numerous cyber-attacks. The rapid advancement of AI enables cybercriminals to amplify their destructive impact worldwide, as AI has the potential to reshape and disrupt global conditions in the coming years. The primary objective of this research was to establish a comprehensive framework for critically evaluating the role of AI in facilitating unethical practices within the realm of security, both in theory and in practice. To lay the groundwork for the practical implementation of national security measures based on grounded theory requires adopting a problem-oriented perspective on terrorism, warfare, and conflict. A strategic instance of this approach is the concept of algorithmic national security which has the potential for creating and developing a new security order. This article aimed to contribute to the existing body of scientific literature, as there is currently a dearth of research in this field, thereby paving the way for future investigations. The primary objective of this research was to establish a comprehensive framework for critically evaluating the role of AI in facilitating unethical practices within the realm of security, both in theory and in practice. The present research aimed to develop a comprehensive framework for the critical evaluation of the role of AI in the unethical utilization of its functions in security matters, both in theory and in practice. In this line, the main question is: How can national security topics be problematized in light of AI hegemony and within the framework of terrorism, war, conflict, and defense?

Adopting a descriptive–analytical approach, the present research relied on library research and documentary method to collect the data from various printed and electronic sources, including websites and magazines. Note-taking was used as a tool in data collection stage. In this study, AI and national security were considered as the independent and dependent variables, respectively.

The debate surrounding the use of AI and its autonomy on future battlefields has predominantly centered on the ethical implications of granting complete authority to independent and autonomous weapons, often referred to as killer robots, capable of making life or death decisions. Is it truly feasible for these systems to operate without any human intervention, or does their deployment potentially violate the principles of warfare and international humanitarian laws? Avoiding such a predicament necessitates that those involved in warfare differentiate between combatants and civilians on the battlefield, prioritizing the preservation of civilian lives and minimizing harm to them to the greatest extent possible.Proponents of this emerging technology argue that machines will eventually possess enough intelligence to distinguish themselves from humans. Conversely, opponents maintain that machines will never possess the capability to make such a fundamental distinction. They argue that machines lack the capacity to make split-second decisions in the heat of war or exhibit timely empathy. In response to these concerns, several human rights and humanitarian organizations have launched the Campaign to Stop Killer Robots, aiming to establish an international ban on the development and deployment of fully automated and autonomous weapon systems. In the meantime, a highly contentious debate is unfolding within the military sphere regarding the use of AI in the command and control systems governing how senior officers convey essential orders to their subordinate soldiers. Throughout history, generals and admirals have consistently sought to enhance the reliability of command and control systems to ensure the fullest realization of their strategic objectives.Nowadays, these systems are heavily relied upon to ensure the security of radio and satellite communication systems that connect headquarters to the front lines. However, strategists are concerned that in a future hyper-warfare environment, these systems could be vulnerable to disruptions caused by jamming, which would make the speed of military operations exceed commanders’ limited ability to receive battlefield reports, process data, and issue timely orders. It is important to go beyond these concerns and consider the practical definition of the uncertain fog of war, which is further complicated by the multiplication effect of AI and the potential for failure. Many military officers see a solution to this dilemma in relinquishing the control of machines to these systems. As stated in a report by the Congressional Research Service, AI algorithms can offer more reliable tools for real-time analysis of the battlefield and enable faster decision-making, thus being able to stay updated.

We are currently witnessing a turning point in technology. The pace of advancements in AI is surpassing even the expert predictions. These breakthroughs offer significant advantages to humanity, enabling AI systems to tackle complex issues in medicine, the environment, and other fields. However, along with progress, there are also accompanying risks. The implications of AI for national security are becoming increasingly profound with each passing year. In this article, the aim was to assess the extent of these consequences in the years ahead. The findings indicate that AI is likely to highlight several, if not all, of the most challenging aspects of transformative military technologies. It thus becomes increasingly crucial to address its implications in examining how policymakers in the realm of national security respond to this technology.Unfortunately, AI carries the potential for risks comparable to those posed by previous technologies, and in some cases, its impact could be even more devastating, owing to the rapid pace of technological advancement and the intricate relationship between government and industry in the present era. While we appreciate the increasing number of high-quality AI reports published in recent years, we acknowledge that a certain degree of conservatism has somewhat impeded comprehensive analysis. In this article, the objective was to provide an honest description of the AI revolution as truly revolutionary rather than merely different. To address this challenge effectively, governments must approach the issue with ambition, emphasizing both research and development while considering its ramifications.The advancement of AI technology in the military, information technology, cybersecurity, and economic sectors over the next decade will lead to profound transformations worldwide. These changes are occurring at a faster pace than anticipated, and undoubtedly, they will present their own set of challenges, with implications extending to various aspects, including national security. AI introduces a level of complexity in the interactions between states, industries, and individuals, necessitating the deployment of skilled experts to respond quickly and effectively to the evolving landscape shaped by this phenomenon.

The economic diplomacy of China in the Middle East in general, and Syria in particular has entered a new stage. Proposing a new type of international relations and a society with a shared future for mankind, China is strengthening energy and infrastructure cooperation with Syria and expanding cooperation in finance, post-war reconstruction, the sanitation and health industry. Technological innovation and green development have become new motivations for improving cooperation, and a pattern of multi-level and multi-faceted cooperation between China and Syria has been formed.
 This research was conducted with the aim of China's economic diplomacy in post-ISIS Syria and with a descriptive-analytical method. Based on the results which obtained from the research, China adjusts its economic diplomacy in the Middle East in the new era by considering multi-dimensional factors: First, to respond to the new demands of both sides for economic development, looking for solutions to accelerate the growth of the model Economic cooperation with Syria and increasing high-level cooperation and promoting a peaceful and stable regional environment and strengthening diplomatic support. The results of the research show that Beijing's economic diplomacy, despite adhering to the principle of non-intervention, has more flexible and pragmatic approach. China's economic diplomacy is basically in such a way that it uses its diplomatic resources to intervene to protect its investments and assets when is necessary, and uses economic incentives to advance its defined foreign policy goals at critical points and in specific circumstances.

The aim of this study is to explore how non-state actors utilize soft power and influence in the international arena and to understand their motivations and strategies for cooperating with nation states. Additionally, it seeks to analyze the impact of this collaboration on global governance and diplomacy. The study adopts a qualitative research design and employs a conceptual framework that incorporates various theoretical perspectives such as cultural diplomacy, transnational advocacy networks, economic influence, digital communication, and non-governmental organizations. Data collection for this research involves a comprehensive review of relevant literature and case studies. The findings reveal that non-state actors employ diverse methods to exert their soft power and influence. Their motivations for cooperating with nation states encompass shared goals and interests, expertise and resources, soft power and public support and mobilization. Conflict between non-state actors and national governments arises due to disparate interests and objectives, challenges to state sovereignty, power asymmetry, competition for influence, disputes over resources and access, and disparities in power and influence. Nation states respond to non-state actors' soft power initiatives through cooperation, cultural exchange and some other policy and strategy. Cooperation between non-state actors and nation states contributes to the strengthening of global governance, and the introduction of new complexities into the international system. These findings deepen our understanding of the dynamics between non-state actors and nation states in the international arena and shed light on its implications for global governance and diplomacy.

The examination of the foreign policy of Iran and the United States shows that America, with its identity combination, is the axis of Western civilization as the moderator of the current world, and Iran, with its corresponding identity combination, has the claim of establishing the Islamic world civilization, which requires the change of the international system of the world. For this reason, the relations between the two countries have diverged under the influence of the challenge of conflicting and mutual identity components. In such a way that one is trying to maintain and expand control over the existing international order and structure and the globalization of Western culture, and the other is trying to establish a new order and system and the globalization of divine sovereignty.In this article, the analytical-comparative method is used in the framework of constructivist theory. Thus, firstly, with library studies and the investigation of identity factors effective in decision-making and policy-making around the international relations and foreign policy of the two countries, the identity components of Iran and America in an analytical-explanatory way, statistics; And in the end, the research findings have been analyzed by comparing corresponding and contrasting components. The result is that this approach has a good capacity to understand and understand the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the United States due to its central meaning and according to the types of identities.

The present study aims to analyze the roots and causes of political violence in the Middle East by relying on Huntington's theoretical perspective (Modernization Theory) and Robert Gurr's theoretical approach (Relative Deprivation). The main research question is what factors fuel the occurrence of political violence in the Middle East? The research method is of the historical-documentary type, where the researcher looks for the answer to the main goal by referring to articles, books, research and printed scientific works in the databases and also by referring to the historical past of the phenomenon (Political Violence). According to this; the results of the research show that political violence in the Middle East is the result of economic, social, political, psychological and cultural modernization. In transitioning from traditional and old patterns to new patterns; the countries accept changes in the society, however, previous authorities have collapsed, and new political, social and security challenges have arisen, including new political violence.

The age of concept of peace and attention to it can be estimated as long as the formation of wars in human society. Throughout the history of mankind, there have been struggle, conflict and violence in human societies and humans have tried to deal with this situation and to end the war and establish peace. Although peace is usually defined as the absence of war, gradually, especially in the new era, a broader meaning called positive peace has been proposed which has emphasized the need for indicators beyond the existence of conflict. So in this article, emphasizing the concept of positive peace based on the thought of "Johan Galtung" and at the same time using the eight indicators of positive peace provided by the Institute of Economics and Peace (IEP), in addition to the negative aspect of peace, the positive aspects and in other words the needs of peace in societies have been discussed. The findings of the research show that positive peace is not only as a problem along with other issues of human societies, but also it has an irreplaceable important role as a necessary and inevitable basis for the realization of many macro goals of societies, such as interaction, solidarity, and development.

The purpose of this article is to investigate the contribution of forms of conflict, competition and cooperation in the relationship between the government and ethnic groups during the Islamic Republic and the evolution of the relationship between the government and ethnic groups between 1979 and 2018. The main question of the research is related to the understanding of the developments in the relations between the government and the ethnic groups in the Islamic Republic of Iran in the years 1979 to 2018. It seems that in the first decade of the Islamic Republic, there was a mixture of forms of conflict, competition and cooperation in the relationship between the government and the ethnic groups. But gradually, in the following decades and until 2018, under the influence of the political opportunity structure in the political system, the pattern of competition and cooperation was strengthened. In traditional Iran, under the construction of the scattered and non-ideological power of Mulūk Al-Ṭawā'ifi, the relationship between the state and ethnicities was more based on cooperation, and in the Pahlavi period, under the construction of centralized and ideological power of the modern absolute state, the relationship between the state and ethnicities was more based on conflict. But in the period of the Islamic Republic, with the transition from the unstable power of the early years to the construction of power based on the constitution and the establishment of security stability and development approaches and the discussion of justice and public participation, the relationship between the government and ethnic groups has evolved into a spectrum of conflict, competition and cooperation. In this article, using the theory of political opportunity structure and the analysis of identity politics resulting from the construction of government power, more diverse aspects of the relationship between the government and ethnic groups in Iran between 1979 and 2018 have been discussed. The research method is qualitative and explanatory, historical.

Arab countries have tried to deal with the formation of the Zionist regime through four wars, and in this regard, several resolutions and peace plans have been issued by the United Nations and some governments to end this conflict, but In the end, the failure of the Arabs in front of Israel to the extent that even a part of the land of the Arab countries was occupied by the Zionist regime caused the Arab countries to give up their confrontational position with Israel and one after the other try to normalize their relations with Israel. Based on this, the main question of the current research has been raised as follows: What effect have the new developments in Arab-Israeli relations had on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran from an ontological point of view? This hypothesis has been proposed that the new developments in Arab-Israeli relations by reducing the conditions of uncertainty, due to the reproduction of the previous self-understanding and the deepening of the constant and continuous understanding of the Islamic Republic of Iran's identity, priorities, goals and interests, will lead to the improvement of security. It has been systematized. The findings show that after the Islamic Revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran saw the relations between Arabs and Israel in conflict with its identity and has always tried to create divergence in the relations between Arabs and Israel.

The relationship between the European governments and the European Union as a transnational institution has been the subject of debate in terms of decision-making and the right to exercise sovereignty or decision-making authority. In the present study, an attempt has been made to investigate the conflicting approach of the European Union towards the sovereignty of states and the violation of the doctrine of jurisdiction. The question is, what are the conflicting cases between the member states and the European Union? With the qualitative method and descriptive-analytical approach, this hypothesis was examined: the right to self-determination by the people of the member states of the Union and the right to make judicial, legislative and executive decisions based on the norms and values of each nation is denied and national sovereignty is marginalized. The findings of the research indicate that the EU institution, regardless of the details, the local context of each land, the interests and values of each society, only deals with decision-making and implementation among the member states from a general perspective. Its examples in the criminal field are mutual recognition and in the political field,

The 20-year period of US presence in Afghanistan after 2001 was one of the periods in which conflict and insecurity continued to prevail in Afghanistan. Various factors can be mentioned for this insecurity, one of which has been the competition of foreign actors in Afghanistan.The present study seeks to answer the question of what consequences the US-Iranian rivalry and conflict have had for Afghanistan's national security?The research hypothesis is that the US-Iran conflict in Afghanistan has weakened Afghanistan's national security by increasing the armed conflict, weakening the Afghan government , and reducing the growth of trade relations between Iran and Afghanistan.To test the hypothesis, the theoretical framework of national security and explanatory method have been used. In this regard, on the one hand, some regional and international issues in dispute between the two countries and on the other hand, some differences between them regarding Afghanistan, have provided the ground for competition and conflict between them in Afghanistan.Therefore, the policy of the two countries towards Afghanistan has a completely security basis and the pursuit of the parties to ensure their national interests has led them to act against each other's interests in Afghanistan.The findings show that these measures have implications for Afghanistan's national security in military, political and economic dimensions.

Iran and Saudi Arabia are among the most influential and important countries in the Middle East and in the larger geographical and ideological sphere of the Islamic world, which, following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, developed hostile and confrontational relations with each other. Different approaches of the two countries in regional and global issues, the efforts of the two countries to become the first power in the region, the two countries becoming a symbol of Shiite and Sunni religious poles, the positions of the two sides on regional crises It led to a less than positive relationship between the two countries and in some cases led to tensions and conflicts. In this regard, the authors seek to answer the fundamental question of why, despite the religious homogeneity and regional interests of Iran and Saudi Arabia, they continue to insist on their enmity? In response to the research question, based on the theoretical framework of ontological security, it is hypothesized that the commitment of Iran and Saudi Arabia to their enmity with each other has become commonplace, which provides their interests in a more favorable way for them. Both countries do not want to disrupt this normal process by changing their view of the other, so their conflict has an identity (structural) and ontological dimension. The research method in this research is interpretive and the method of data collection is library and articles, sites, etc.