جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Energy » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Today, with changing in the priorities of the diplomatic system of countries, strengthening the economic growth indicators has a higher priority than other goals. In many theories and definitions of globalization, the economic element of this process is emphasized and numerous theorists consider the dominant aspect of globalization to be economic. In general, in the era of globalization, economic diplomacy means the intersection of diplomacy and economic interests in line with national interests. Its successful application in the network of complex mutual relations will guarantee the provision of national interests only by presenting successful diplomacy. The purpose of this article is to investigate the dimensions and components of economic diplomacy of the Qatar government. The main question of this research is what is the economic diplomacy of the Qatari government and what dimensions and components does it have? In this research, based on the descriptive-analytical method and using the conceptual framework of economic diplomacy as one of the special tasks of the government in the age of globalization, the specific experience of Qatar in this field is investigated and analyzed. The findings of the research show that the developmental government of Qatar, with a detailed understanding of global developments centered on the economy and by using its ability in the field of economic diplomacy, especially in the field of energy and based on a state-oriented economy, with an emphasis on economic diversification in the international arena in order to secure national interests, it has been very active and has taken effective and useful steps through investment in various fields and in different regions of the world and also in the field of attracting foreign investment and has shown a very successful model of himself in the field of economic diplomacy.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 not only damaged Ukraine’s economy but also put so much pressure on Russia and European countries in gas trade due to the loss of big trade partners. This article aims to answer two main questions: 1- What are the impacts of Russia and Ukraine’s war on the United States and the European Union in the energy area? 2-Does it impact the position of Iran in the energy part in global markets? This research has been done based on the narrative review approach. The findings show the gradual loss of former position in global markets for Ukraine, Russia, and the European Union and the increasing dependency of European countries on the United States in the energy area. If European countries avoid cooperating with huge oil and gas resource-owning countries like Iran, besides aggravating their dependency on the United States, they deprive themselves of cheaper energy resources.

Energy is a critical requirement for all developed countries in the world today. Emerging powers like India require energy to sustain their development. Therefore, the Persian Gulf region, abundant in oil and gas, has become a global hotspot. The central research question of this proposal is how India, a key player in the energy game, can balance stability and maintain its status quo among its many energy partners in the Persian Gulf. This proposal is grounded in the idea of neorealism and its components. It posits that India, in order to continue and survive as an emerging power, has strategically made economic relations with the Persian Gulf region one of the main principles of its diplomacy. The research method is qualitative-descriptive, and the aim is to delve into how India can balance stability and maintain its current position among the different energy partners in the Persian Gulf. The findings suggest that India is not currently pursuing hegemonic power in the Persian Gulf but is instead looking for a more efficient and cost-effective development trajectory for itself.

The war in Ukraine is arguably the most significant tension between Russia and the West since the Cold War, with far-reaching consequences beyond Ukraine itself. The neighboring Caucasus region, in particular, has been greatly impacted by this conflict. This study aims to explore the effects of the war in Ukraine on the economic corridors of the Caucasus. The researchers test the hypothesis that the increased economic risks resulting from the war, Russia's diverted attention to Ukraine, and Europe's search for alternative energy sources are three crucial factors that enhance the significance of the economic corridors in the Caucasus. The research data indicates that, since the onset of the war in Ukraine, transit routes for goods and energy passing through the Caucasus, such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipelines, the western corridor of the north-south corridor, the Trasica corridor, and the Zangzor corridor, have gained considerable attention and favor by regional and extra-regional actors. Furthermore, it is anticipated that China will increasingly express interest in the Caucasus region for its One Belt One Road project in the near future.

Energy is one of the important and effective indicators in the direction of sustainable urban development; Because sustainable development aims to meet human needs and strives to preserve the environment. Therefore, it is impossible to ignore the relationship and effects of optimal energy management in different parts of the city. The purpose of this research is to investigate the effects and factors of reducing energy consumption in the sustainable development of Shiraz city. The research method is descriptive-analytical and based on field data. The data collection tool is a questionnaire. The statistical population consists of 1,565,572 citizens of Shiraz. Based on Cochran's formula, the sample size was determined to be 384 people. Also, 21 related experts were used for interviews to identify and analyze the factors of reducing energy consumption in Shiraz city. The structural and content validity of the questionnaire was confirmed as well as the reliability with Cronbach's alpha above 0. 70. The results show that the factors of reducing energy consumption in sustainable urban development include 20 indicators, which are in total through factor analysis in 5 categories including urban body and form (39. 05), expansion of urban public services (21. 25), use Renewable energy (10. 92), improvement of social indicators (8. 55) and climate adaptation (7. 25) were recognized. Also, based on the content analysis, reducing energy consumption in sustainable urban development has 12 major effects, which using structural equation modeling, this effect is equal to 0. 76. The modeling results show that the most effective reduction of energy consumption on sustainable urban development is related to the improvement of the consumption pattern with a total effect value of 0. 88, followed by environmental protection with an effect of 0. 85, an increase in urban investment resources with an effect of 0. 83, and consumption Optimum energy in the building sector with a total effect of 0. 82.
Extended Abstract

The formation, maintenance and development of a city based on the sustainable development approach requires various indicators. In fact, due to the nature of integration and correlation of various indicators in the sustainable development approach, one cannot hope for the realization of sustainable development in a city except in the shadow of attention and planning based on various economic, social and environmental indicators. In this regard, one of the indicators that has a wide connection with sustainable development and preservation of the environment and various resources is the energy index. Today, with the expansion of population, urbanization and large industries, a large part of energy is consumed in cities. In many cases, the amount of energy consumption in different parts of the city is more than the standard amount, and this issue has created many challenges. Considering the importance of the subject, exploration in various sectors of sustainable urban development and energy consumption is very important and undeniable.
A large part of the sustainable development of Iranian cities can be realized by reducing energy consumption; Because energy and its optimal consumption play an important role in different parts of the development of cities. This impact can be seen in various fields of services, environmental management, urban traffic, construction management and buildings, etc. In this research, the aim is to identify and then analyze the effects and factors of reducing energy consumption in sustainable urban development, which was investigated in the case of Shiraz. The city of Shiraz has a special geographical, service, tourism and industrial position, and its multiple role-playing causes the effects of reducing energy consumption in the development of this city to be known and the related factors to be identified.

The research method is descriptive-analytical in nature and practical in terms of purpose. The statistical population of the study included the citizens of Shiraz and experts familiar with the subject. The population of this city was equal to 1565572 people according to the latest statistics available to the researcher and based on the population and housing census of 2015. Based on Cochran's formula, the statistical sample was calculated as 384 people and the sampling method was random. A statistical sample of 21 experts was also selected. Data collection methods are in two forms: library (documents) and field (survey). The tools of data collection were questionnaires and interviews. The interview method has been used to identify the factors of reducing energy consumption in sustainable urban development and in order to prepare a questionnaire. The structural and content validity of the questionnaire was confirmed through the elite community, and reliability was also confirmed with Cronbach's alpha above 0. 70. For analysis, the data are summarized, coded and categorized and finally processed to provide the basis for analyzes and connections between these data in order to answer the questions. SPSS and AMOS software were used for data analysis. Quantitative methods were used to measure and analyze the data, which included structural equation modeling and factor analysis. In the method of structural equations, based on the drawn model based on theoretical foundations, various indicators have been placed in the model and the effectiveness of each of the resilience indicators has been determined.

The measurement of sustainable urban development indicators through the T-Tech test shows that except for a few employment indicators of citizens with a significance level of 0. 222; Access of citizens to technology and technology with a significance level of 0. 071 and participation of citizens in city management with a significance level of 0. 055, other indicators were significant at a level less than 0. 05 and equal to 0. 000. Examining the significance direction according to the average indicates that sustainable development indicators include quality of life (2. 882), youth employment (2. 078), economic efficiency (2. 291), poverty reduction (2. 289), improvement of lifestyle Life and consumption pattern (2/085), participation of citizens in city management (2/752), use of clean energy (solar and. . ) (2/205), prevention of excessive city growth (2/362) Preservation of historical and cultural monuments (2/057), preventing the destruction of the city's environment (1/966), air pollution management (2/151) and appropriate distribution of uses (2/640) are in a weak state and this Indicators need serious planning. Also, the result shows that the three indicators of citizens' access to technology and technology with an average of 3. 114, citizens' access to appropriate education with an average of 3. 323 and access to appropriate medical and health centers with an average of 3. 625 are in an average situation and In fact, compared to other indicators of sustainable development in Shiraz, they have more suitable conditions.
The results show that the factors for reducing energy consumption in sustainable urban development included 20 indicators. At the level of variables, the highest factor loading was related to the building density factor with a value of 0. 926. Also, two factors of using intelligent energy consumption control systems with a factor load of 0. 920 and using wind energy with a factor load of 0. 910 are known in the second and third ranks. These 20 indicators in total through factor analysis in 5 categories including urban body and form (39/05), expansion of urban public services (21/25), use of renewable energy (10/92), improvement of social indicators (55) 8. ) and climate adaptation (7. 25) were categorized.
Also, based on the content analysis, reducing energy consumption in sustainable urban development has 12 major effects, which using structural equation modeling, this effect is equal to 0. 76. In total, it can be said that the 12 examined indicators, including the prosperity of production and economic activities, reducing urban pollution, reducing household expenses, improving the quality of urban life, improving the consumption pattern, increasing access to services, reducing greenhouse gases and etc. can be effective in improving sustainable urban development. Examining the effectiveness of 12 indicators in sustainable urban development shows that the total effect value is 0. 76, and in total, the reviewed indicators can explain about 76% of the variance, role-playing and positive effects in the sustainable urban development of Shiraz. According to the results of this model, the most effective is related to the improvement of the consumption pattern with an explanation of 0. 88. The urban environment preservation index has an explanatory power of 0. 85, the increase of investment has an explanatory power of 0. 83, the optimal energy consumption in the building sector has an explanatory power of 0. 82, and the reduction of household expenses also has an explanatory power of 0. 79 in the field of improving sustainable urban development.

 In general, it can be concluded that optimal energy consumption and its reduction can be effective in the sustainable development of Shiraz city, and this influence is realized through different patterns and indicators. Also, the result shows that the effects and factors of reducing energy consumption in various economic, social and environmental dimensions show their effectiveness and therefore affect various dimensions of sustainable urban development. Considering these points, the important role of optimizing energy consumption in the development of Shiraz cannot be ignored. In this regard, it is suggested that 1- local (traditional) patterns should be emphasized in order to reduce energy consumption in the buildings of this city in terms of architecture, form, etc. 2- In order to reduce energy consumption in the building sector and achieve sustainable development, it is suggested Incentive schemes for citizens can be strengthened in order to optimize energy consumption. 3- It is suggested that the costs of reducing the optimal energy consumption should be spent in the urban services sector so that citizens can see the results of their optimal consumption in the energy sector. 4- It is suggested that in order to optimize energy consumption and sustainable development of the city Shiraz, the smart infrastructure sector of this city should be upgraded. 5- It is suggested that suitable financial and credit facilities for citizens to use solar energy should be emphasized and planned. 6- It is suggested that the educational dimension related to energy consumption at the level of Shiraz city neighborhoods and in public places. be explained to the citizens.

 Energy diplomacy is carrying out diplomatic missions in line with major development goals with the aim of improving the country's political and economic position and attracting international and regional investments and cooperation in the energy sector. Today, by benefiting from energy diplomacy, countries are trying to ensure their interests and energy security in this field as much as possible without using force. China, as the largest major energy consumer in the world, using the tool of energy diplomacy in the Middle East; Central Asia, Africa and Latin America have raised their major concerns about energy security. Energy diplomacy has become China's effective tool in determining the new global order, and this country has tried to adjust its foreign policy direction based on economic interests. China's energy diplomacy has been rapidly changing and expanding over the past two decades, and new geopolitical developments and the establishment of international regimes have strengthened this country's energy diplomacy. The main goal of this research is to examine China's strategy in the field of energy with an emphasis on the Ukraine war and the agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia. This research with descriptive and analytical methods and library studies is an answer to the question of how the new global international developments are in line with the energy diplomacy goals of this country. China has strengthened its political legitimacy and economy by creating new investment opportunities, increasing connections with the global community and oil-rich countries, energy exports and imports. The consequences of these wars will be creating insecurity in the field of energy supply and increasing the price of energy carriers.

Relations between Iran and China have a long history. Their first communication took place through the old silk road, and today, with the new silk road plan by China and the 25-year comprehensive strategic cooperation document, the relations between the two countries have expanded to the level of strategic partnership. China has signed cooperation documents with many countries to implement the Belt and Road Initiative. Iran has also received special attention from Beijing due to its special geopolitical situation. Therefore, on April 7, 1400, a 25-year comprehensive strategic cooperation document was signed between the foreign ministers of Iran and China, which is supposed to be a road map for the future cooperation of the parties.The current research is an attempt to answer the question, what economic goals are pursued by the Islamic Republic of Iran and China through the 25-year comprehensive strategic cooperation document? The proposed hypothesis is that China's main goal in the aforementioned agreement is to diversify energy sources and ensure its security. On the other hand, the most important goal of the Islamic Republic of Iran is to get rid of the economic blockade by increasing trade exchanges with China under the conditions of economic sanctions. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical and information gathering is also done by using written sources including books, articles, documents and internet data

Putin believes that he has an important, historical and sacred mission, the main focus of which is to restore Russia's historical greatness and compensate for the West's damages to Russia. Therefore, in order to compensate for Russia's geopolitical failure after the collapse of the Soviet Union and to avoid the mistakes of that era, it has tried to communicate with the African continent and develop its influence on different levels with this continent. The interesting thing about the nature of Russia's relations with the African continent lies in the fact that Putin does not spend money from the government's treasury in this direction. Therefore, when examining and analyzing Russian policies, one should not ignore Putin's political psychology, which seeks to restore Russia's greatness. Moscow has stepped into Africa with the aim of institutionalizing its military presence in the African continent and the Mediterranean coast, dominating the oil and gas and mining sectors, as well as creating new markets to sell its products.

The Mediterranean Sea has a very important geopolitical position, which has made it enjoy a special place in the structure of the international system. The Mediterranean Sea is called the Mediterranean because it is located between Europe, Africa and Asia and has a very special and unique position. The Mediterranean is connected to the Atlantic Ocean from the west through Gibraltar, between two European and African countries, Spain and Morocco. On the northeast side, it is connected to Marmara and the Black Sea through Turkey and the Dardanelles, and at the bottom, that is, in the southeast, it passes through Egypt and connects to the Red Sea with the 192-kilometer Suez Canal, which is an important part of Egypt's foreign exchange income. Be related to the Mediterranean.Overall, the Mediterranean Sea is a densely populated region with a complex political history that includes many different ethnic groups. This has led to the creation of a complex and fragmented political map. Today, 21 countries with an area of 2 to 2.4 million square kilometers have coastlines in the Mediterranean Sea, including Albania, Algeria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Cyprus, Egypt, France, Greece, Israel, Italy, Lebanon, Libya, Malta, Monaco, Montenegro, Morocco, Slovenia, Spain, Syria, Tunisia and Turkey. This sea has large energy reserves, which has caused regional and extra-regional powers to seek to increase their sphere of influence in the Mediterranean (El Rhazi, et.al, 2020: 1). This importance has doubled in the last few years.Since the early 2000s, a new big game has been formed among regional and extra-regional actors over access to fossil energy fields in the Mediterranean. Along with this capacity, discussions about exploration, production processes and resource transfer options have continued. Although the current situation in the region started 20 years ago, the historical process of offshore drilling in the Eastern Mediterranean dates back to the 1960s. During this time, Egypt and Israel have carried out various drilling operations. Also, each of the Mediterranean coastal governments have declared an exclusive and economic zone, 200 miles long, for the exploitation of energy resources in the seabed. Israel, Egypt, South Cyprus, Lebanon, Syria and Palestine are countries that have potential energy resources and natural gas discoveries are being made in the eastern Mediterranean. The most well-known discoveries in the eastern Mediterranean are the Tamar and Leviathan regions, which were discovered in 2009 and 2010; In total, there are 900 billion cubic meters of gas in these two regions. It is worth noting that 35 trillion cubic meters of natural gas have been discovered in the waters of Israel and Cyprus, and there is a possibility of finding another 85 trillion cubic meters of natural gas reservoirs on the coasts of Syria, Lebanon and Palestine (Demir, Tekir, 2017: 4). These two fields were the biggest deep gas discoveries in the world at that time. Later, the discovery of the Aphrodite field in 2011 and the Zohr gas field in 2015 changed the position of the Mediterranean Sea from regional to global. The proven reserves of hydrocarbons and new discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean may not be comparable to the reserves of Saudi Arabia, Iran, Qatar, Russia and the UAE, which will turn the entire region or any of the countries that own it into a global energy player, but it can play an important role in the global market. especially in Europe; It can also be an important energy transfer pathway. According to the latest estimates, the oil and gas capacity of the Mediterranean region is approximately 5 billion barrels and more than 13.5 trillion cubic meters, respectively (Kavaz, 2021: 4). The discovery of a significant amount of extensive energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean has turned this region into a multidimensional competitive environment. Europe plans to turn the Mediterranean into one of its main energy supply points, and so far it has taken great steps in this direction.In this research, considering the vastness of the Mediterranean Sea and the variety of commercial activities in it, we want to study the importance of the Mediterranean Sea for regional and extra-regional powers by emphasizing the energy field, and we are looking for an answer to the question that the importance of the Mediterranean Sea for regional powers and What is a metaregion from the perspective of energy? And what is the importance of the Mediterranean Sea in the evolution of the world energy market? And what role does the Mediterranean Sea play in transferring energy to other parts of the world? In this article, we are looking for answers to these questions by using documentary sources and analytical descriptive method. This research is important from the point of view that solving many current disputes or reaching future agreements in the Mediterranean is possible by understanding the importance of energy in the region, and it is possible to draw various regional models in this field, which can ultimately lead to regional cooperation and increasing peace and lead to stability. The necessity of the present research is that almost among scientific researches, the gap of comprehensive study of this issue is felt, which has caused many developments in the Mediterranean to remain unknown to the audience.The Mediterranean is always very important as a strategic area for regional countries and great powers. The Mediterranean is one of the main energy supply areas of Europe, which can reduce Europe's dependence on Russian gas. As a result, both Mediterranean basin countries are looking for European markets and West Asian countries are looking to transfer their gas to Europe through the Mediterranean. According to what has been said, in the past few years, the Mediterranean has become more important and many regional and extra-regional powers are seeking to increase their presence and influence in this area. Reducing dependence on Russian energy, guaranteeing investment contracts for American oil companies and ensuring European energy security are among the most important reasons for the importance of the Mediterranean Sea for extra-regional powers in the energy debate.  Also, for regional powers, becoming an energy hub, participating in energy corridors, concluding multilateral contracts in the field of energy and transferring liquefied natural gas are among the most important reasons for the importance of energy discoveries in the Mediterranean for the countries of the region. With the calming of the internal conditions and the establishment of political stability in Syria and Lebanon, these two countries can also play the role of transit and bring oil and gas from the Middle East to Europe. In the meantime, the Islamic Republic of Iran can play a prominent role in supplying energy to Europe, especially in the current war between Russia and Ukraine.

American pragmatists consider the realist and liberal tradition in international relations to be inefficient and believe that most of the successes of American foreign policy have been achieved with a pragmatic approach and a peaceful method and emphasis on diplomacy. At first, Biden's foreign policy was organized around the issue of human rights and democracy, but the outbreak of the war between Russia and Ukraine caused a change in priorities. Therefore, by transitioning from liberalism to pragmatism in foreign policy, he tried to manage this crisis. The purpose of this article is to examine the change of priorities and approaches in Biden's foreign policy after the Russia-Ukraine war. The question of this article is: What did the Russia-Ukraine war cause? Has there been a change in the priorities of Biden's foreign policy? The hypothesis of this research, which tries to be proven with analytical and explanatory methodology and emphasis on objective and tangible political facts, is: that understanding the war between Russia and Ukraine as a strategic threat from the government Biden changed the approach in American foreign policy to manage this crisis. In such a way that pragmatism became the focal point and central core of Biden's foreign policy, and issues such as human rights and democracy are marginal issues.

The China–Saudi Arabia relations have witnessed significant growth and development from 2011 to 2022. Primarily driven by oil relations, the relations between the two countries have flourished in areas such as trade, investment, technology, and military cooperation. In December 2022, the two countries established the highest level of bilateral ties by signing 34 investment agreements valued at around 30 billion dollars, spanning various sectors such as clean energy, hydrogen production, solar energy, information technology, transportation, medical and housing industries, and building materials factories. Furthermore, China’s oil imports from Saudi Arabia increased from 5 million and 66 thousand barrels per day in 2011 to 10 million and 852 thousandbarrels per day in 2020. The figure remained above 10 million barrels during 2022, despite the challenges posed by the COVID–19 pandemic and unfavorable economic conditions. This trend Indicates growing relations between China and Saudi Arabia.China and Saudi Arabia have exchanged a large share of capital in the energy sector. The Saudi active presence in the Chinese oil market has positioned it as China’s largest trade partner in the West Asia and African region. The bilateral investment volume between the two countries stands at approximately 73 billion dollars. Saudi Arabia’s extensive investments aimed at controlling China’s oil import network, refineries, and petrochemical industry, along with its involvement in the plan to double China’s strategic oil reserve, underscore the importance of maintaining China’s energy market for Saudi Arabia. Consequently, given China’s status as the largest energy consumer and Saudi Arabia’s position as the largest oil exporter, both countries possess the requisite capacity to foster cooperation in this field.In addition, Vision 2030 and the One Belt One Road Initiative are strategic factors facilitating the expansion of China–Saudi Arabia relations. In this regard, the two countries have signed comprehensive strategic cooperation agreements, leading to the establishment of the High-Level Joint Committee. During the committee’s second meeting in Riyadh in August 2017, contracts valued at 70 billion dollars were signed. Moreover, an important milestone was reached by signing a memorandum of understanding between the two countries for the establishment of a joint investment fund worth 20 billion dollars. Furthermore, Industrial Development Fund, China’s Silk Road Fund, and Everbright Bank were established. These agreements, memoranda, and funds intend to expedite the development of China’s One Belt One Road Initiative and Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030. Although China is trying to maximize its energy security by distributing its oil imports among different countries (e.g., the US), Saudi Arabia’s consistent share of approximately 20% in recent years remains of utmost significance.

Literature Review:

Several studies have examined the topics of US energy policy and the development of China–Saudi Arabia relations. However, few works have linked these two phenomena in an analytical manner. The novelty of this article lies in its attempt to bridge this gap and provide an analysis by exploring the interplay between these two issues.

This research adopted a mixed methods design, utilizing both quantitative and qualitative data. Documents and library resources were used to collect the data. Relying on an examination of research, analytical and statistical texts, the study focused on indexing and defining variables and their influential factors in a bid to conduct an analytical and inferential exploration to elucidate the trends and interrelationships between the independent and dependent variables.

The US–Saudi oil relations have witnessed unparalleled growth and encompassed various economic, political, and security sectors in recent decades. Furthermore, to ensure its own growth and development, it is imperative for China to maintain stability and security in the energy sector. This objective can be achieved through effective management of competition and, in certain instances, cooperation with the United States. The ongoing trend of expanding relations between China and Saudi Arabia in the energy sector is unprecedented, solidifying China’s position as a significant competitor to the United States. The growing China–Saudi Arabia relations are driven by the mutual needs in the energy sector and strategic development plans. Yet the present research aimed to analyze China–Saudi Arabia relations with an eye to the US energy policy, relying a neo-mercantilist approach. Consequently, the primary question addressed in this article is: how has the US energy policy during 2011–2022 influenced the dynamics of China–Saudi Arabia relationship. The study was based on the hypothesis that the US energy policy during 2011–2022, characterized by increased oil and shale gas production and a reinforced neo-mercantilist approach in the energy sector, played a crucial role in fostering closer ties between China and Saudi Arabia, primarily in the oil sector, and supported their efforts to broaden mutual cooperation across other fields. The hypothesis was tested through empirical and explanatory methods. The research findings suggest that China–Saudi Arabia cooperation is expected to expand further in the future, while taking into account the sensitivities associated with these relations from the perspective of the United States.

Energy diplomacy, as one of the branches of economic diplomacy, is very important in managing the transfer of energy resources, that is, countries knowing each other's energy policies can cooperate with each other by adopting appropriate policies and diplomacy. The main question of the current research is: How can the energy diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran affect the capacity to promote cooperation in Central Asia? The hypothesis that is raised following this question: with the purposeful and deliberate use of energy diplomacy, Iran can achieve regional and global cooperation and convergence, thereby increasing the attraction of foreign investment in the energy industry, and in addition to It achieves sustainable energy security in the regional context by reducing the threats in the production area and increasing the production level and as a result increasing the energy export. The results of the research show that the international sanctions against Iran and the isolation of this country by the United States in regional treaties and agreements, especially in the field of energy, can have negative effects on the relations of this country with Central Asia as well as the power have regional and influential (China, Russia, Turkey). The current research has chosen the descriptive-analytical method as its research method and collected data and information through the library method and through the sampling method.

Promotion of regional power c. A. Iran, which is located in one of the strategic geopolitical regions of the world, is necessary and necessary to provide the ground for the realization of the high goals of the Islamic system and revolution. This is despite the fact that according to the theory of hegemony, extra-regional powers more than ever have their interests around the region. The Middle East strategy revolves and they are trying to maintain the balance and prevent any regional power-seeking. The main question of the article is: How the presence of world powers in the Middle East has caused the process of reducing Iran's regional power and made it face a challenge? The hypothesis of the research is that the great powers such as America, China and Europe are trying to hegemony in the Middle East with their own tools and in this way they will reduce the regional power of Iran. The findings of the research show that America and Europe through various military and political-economic alliances and pacts with the countries of the region, China with extensive economic ties and limited security alliances, etc., have caused restrictions in Iran's regional activities. The research method in this qualitative research is descriptive-analytical, and they were collected from library sources by the chipping method.

After the fall of the Iraqi Ba'th government in 2003, this opportunity was provided for the new Iraq to pursue its national interests in the shadow of adhering to a new foreign policy based on realism. In the framework of this new foreign policy, the country of Iraq is trying to establish friendly relations with all the countries of the Middle East region and to secure its desired interests and goals through the expansion of bilateral and multilateral cooperation. In this process, two countries, Jordan and Egypt, have not stayed away from the scope of expanding friendly relations between Iraq and the countries of the Middle East region. Due to its access to the Gulf of Aqaba, Jordan has provided Iraq with an opportunity to find an alternative route for its oil exports and reduce its dependence on the Persian Gulf. The same geo-economic advantage of Jordan has caused Iraq and this country to create and develop an oil and gas pipeline from Basra-Hadeithah-Aqaba port in the form of a contract in the field of oil and gas, which speeds up Iraq's access to the Mediterranean Sea through the Gulf of Aqaba and the Suez Canal, and at the same time, to some extent, reduces Iraq's geopolitical bottlenecks in the area of access. At the same time, Iraq and Egypt are also in the process of developing political and economic relations. The trend of existing relations between Iraq and these two countries shows that in the future we will see an increase in joint cooperation between Iraq and Egypt, which can be interpreted in the form of a tension-relieving foreign policy based on the expansion of Iraq's foreign relations.

The United States is one of the international actors that contributes significantly to the formation of power equations in the Persian Gulf. Iran's security is threatened by the United States and its regional allies' efforts to reduce Iran's influence and dominance in the region in order to control and isolate Tehran regionally. Therefore, given Iran's strategic and superior position in the Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz, the Islamic Republic has threatened to block this strategic strait to exert pressure on the United States and its regional allies, which would have a substantial impact on their security and energy interests. Thus, the central question of this article is, what measures has Iran taken in response to the expanding U.S. threat in the Persian Gulf? Given the strategic importance of the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz to U.S. policy in the Middle East, the article posits that Washington is working to establish cooperation and a strategic alliance with the Gulf Cooperation Council in an effort to encircle Iran and remove it from the regional equation while threatening Iran's interests in the Persian Gulf. This, in turn, would reduce Iran's position in the region. Therefore, in response to these threats, Tehran threatens to close the Strait of Hormuz as a strategic lever to exert pressure on the United States and its allies in the Persian Gulf. This article employs a descriptive-analytical approach.

Turkey’s energy consumption has been increasing during recent years due to the country’s economic growth. This issue, accompanied by inadequate fossil fuel (oil and gas) resources, is one of the most effective elements in turkey’s foreign relations with the most important energy providing countries which provide energy for turkey. In addition to studying Turkey’s energy strategy regarding Azerbaijan and Iraq, this research tries to assess the success or failure of this strategy. The main question of this paper states: turkey’s energy strategy towards Azerbaijan and Iraq has been shaped based on which elements and how is it evaluated? The hypothesis of the research is that turkey’s energy strategy is based on diversifying energy (oil and gas) providing countries and reducing reliance on limited number of countries in providing energy and on the basis of this approach, turkey has been paying more attention to Caspian Sea and Middle East regions, especially the Republic of Azerbaijan and Iraq. The findings of this research, which has been conducted on the basis of descriptive-analytical method, indicates the expansion of Turkey’s relations with Azerbaijan and Iraq based on the volume of oil and gas exchanges and diversity of energy lines with the centrality of Turkey; this shows that turkey’s energy strategy has been successful.

The purpose of this research is to investigate the threatening components of the strategic cooperation between Iran and Russia. A look at the history of the relations between the two countries shows that during the period when the Euro-Atlanticists came to power in Russia, the relations between the two countries were faced with mistrust. But since 1996, with the emergence of Eurasianists in Russia, we have witnessed the rapprochement of the relations between the two countries and their cooperation. The Syrian crisis caused the relations between the two countries to expand more and more, and at the same time, we witnessed the strategic cooperation of the two countries to solve the said crisis. But besides this cooperation, some factors and components threaten this cooperation and in the future may even harm the relations between the two countries. According to these cases, the question is raised, what are the threatening components of the regional relations between Iran and Russia? To answer the research question, descriptive-analytical method has been used. The findings showed that the two countries' different views on relations, the legal regime of the Caspian Sea, the search for new energy markets, Russia's relations with America and Israel, the way of looking at the Syrian crisis, the pursuit of interests in the post-crisis era of Syria are among the components that make strategic cooperation between Iran and They threaten Russia.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Israel with the aim of getting out of its regional and international isolation has been trying to expand its relations at different levels with the South Caucasus and Central Asian countries in the framework of peripheral doctrine. In this regard, it has been successful in expanding relations with some regional countries including Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan. A variety of literature has been created in the field of Israel's main and strategic goals for cooperation with the Republic of Azerbaijan in recent years, however, no successful research has been done regarding the nature of the relations between these two actors. Therefore, this feature of the selected topic distinguishes it from previous studies that have been done before. In order to understand the dimensions and depth of relations between Israel and the Republic of Azerbaijan, the important indicators of strategic relations have been adopted in connection with the important axes of cooperation between the two actors in different fields to understand whether their relations can be called strategic alliance or technical cooperation.

Which of the concepts of Strategic Alliance or tactical cooperation is more effective to show the interaction between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Israel?Research Hypothesis: Studies show that the cooperation of two actors lacks the majority of strategic alliance indicators including the uniqueness of relations, the depth of relations, convergent strategic goals, institutionalization, and the precise definition of enemy concepts, the threat and presence of competitors, excluding the friendly atmosphere in bilateral relations and to some extent long-term cooperation. As a result, compared to the concept of strategic alliance, tactical cooperation has more explanatory power to understand and model the relationship between the two actors.

In order to explain the main idea of the research, this article uses the Qualitative method of structural and interpretive modeling which has been used in this article and has tried to use the collected data in order to obtain a suitable model for the analysis of relations between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Israel. The review of various research indicates the fact that for the analysis of relations between Israel and the Republic of Azerbaijan, conceptual frameworks can be more productive than theoretical frameworks. Therefore, strategic concept has been chosen to explain the typology of the two actor’s relations. It seems that the following components constitute the most important indicators of strategic relations that have been applied in Israel-Azerbaijan relations to determine its typology.The existence of converging strategic goals, which can be considered as the starting point of strategic cooperation based on which players receive the initial understanding that they can achieve their goals through mutual efforts.The existence of long-term, authentic and deep cooperation between the two players, different from the temporary alliance that is created to achieve specific goals at a specific time or to deal with specific events.The incomparability of relations which includes the expansion of high-level official meetings between the two actors, the increase in mutual economic cooperation, the creation of a common market by addressing tariff and non-tariff issues and the deepening of military cooperation.Institutionalizing cooperation in which the two actors are expected to be members of an efficient regional or intra-regional organization.The existence of a friendly atmosphere in bilateral cooperation that has been influenced by the historical and cultural backgrounds and the appropriate path to solve problems.Having a common threat or enemy that forces the actors to work together and come up with strategies to deal with it.

Israel's view of the Republic of Azerbaijan can be interpreted and analyzed in the form of three approaches: the containment strategy, the Greater Middle East plan and the peripheral doctrine, based on which it has tried to use Azerbaijan's capabilities against Iran. On the other hand, the goals and security plans of Azerbaijan, including the solution of the Karabakh crisis, instability in the South Caucasus region, tension with other regional and extra-regional countries, has caused Azerbaijan to adjust its policy towards Israel to use Jewish lobbies in the US Congress for fulfilling the military requirements of this country. In addition, it has been shown that the axes of cooperation between the two actors, such as trade and energy, have not been deepened compared to their cooperation with other partners and more recently, the increasing growth of military deals has been fueled by growing regional instabilities.The beginning of the cooperation between the two actors dates back to 1991 and after that their cooperation began in various technical, economic, infrastructural and agricultural dimensions, however the depth of relations between the two sides has not expanded and Israeli competitors, including Turkish, Russian and European companies have been most successful in concluding economic cooperation agreements with Azerbaijan. Also, despite the fact that Azerbaijan is a member of numerous organizations such as ECO, Commonwealth of Independent States, it does not cooperate with Israel in any joint organization and their relations are not institutionalized, so much so that Ilham Aliyev used the word iceberg in 2009 to describe the nature of their relations which are mostly secret and informal.

Statistical analysis and relational experiences show that the concept of technical cooperation is more useful and constructive than strategic alliance to understand the relationship between the two actors. Due to the lack of depth and varieties in economic cooperation, weak institutionalization, distinct strategic goals and having a different driving force of foreign policy, their relationship cannot be classified as a strategic alliance. Another significant point that should be noted is that there is a positive correlation between the increase in instability in the South Caucasus and the increase in cooperation between Israel and the Republic of Azerbaijan.

In recent two decades, Turkey has consolidated its presence in Central Asian countries and played an active role in political and cultural spheres in this region. Through cultural and ethnic ties and also reconstructing their economies structurally, Turkey has been able to extend its influence in Central Asian countries. The main question of the research addresses the purposes and implications of Turkey’s presence in Central Asia and for answering the main question, this hypothesis has been tested that Turkey is trying to create the organization of Turkish speaking countries in order to promote its political, security, and cultural influence and avoid lagging behind Iran and Russia. Data gathering method has been document-based, research strategy has been deductive, and research methodology has been based on process detection inspired by economic diplomacy literature within the realist theory. The findings of the research indicate that the main purposes of Turkey for promoting economic diplomacy in Central Asia are as follows: rivalry with Iran and Russia, establishing the council of Turkish-speaking countries, changing its geopolitical position, diversification of its energy resources, military cooperation, security issues, and etc.

As one of the largest economies in East Asia and the world, India is a member of various international organizations. The purpose of this article is to show what benefits India seeks from membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the BRICS, and what is the commonality of India's interests from membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the BRICS group and what are the differences between India's interests from membership in these two groups? This article has been written with a descriptive-analytical method, using library resources and by extracting and classifying the statistics and figures of economic exchanges. The findings indicate that the commonality of India's membership in these two organizations is the issue of fuel import and goods export, and from being a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, in addition to economic benefits, India is also looking for security benefits. Finally, we came to the conclusion that the issue of energy supply and drug export is one of India's main priorities for membership in both organizations.