جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Geo-economics » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Despite having the second place in the world in terms of natural gas reserves, Iran has practically not played an active and influential role in world trade and the export of natural gas and liquefied gas, and despite its privileged geo-economic and geo-energetic position, it has reached a position that is commensurate with the capacities and potentials of its geographic economy. It has not been found. The main problem of the research is, how is the role and importance of liquefied gas in the global gas trade and geopolitics of energy, during the next decades at the regional and global levels? The main goal of this research is to analyze the increasing role and importance of liquefied gas in the global gas trade. and the geopolitics of energy, at the regional and global levels, in the coming decades. The research method is a cross-sectional survey method, which is based on the objective of the applied type and based on the nature of the descriptive and analytical type. The studied community, professors and experts in the subject field The study has a sample size of 34 people and a questionnaire has been used to measure the formation of research variables. Library findings and the results of the research questionnaire, using the software Spsand the test and multivariate regression has been analyzed.The results and inferential findings of the research show that due to the advantages, increasing demand and consumption of liquefied gas in the transition period on the one hand, and the geographical location and unique capacities of Iran for the production and export of liquefied gas on the other hand, the development of production infrastructures And the export of liquefied gas can compensate for the decrease in Iran's oil exports and revenues during the period of transition from fossil fuels to renewable energies. Although oil and gas will not completely disappear in the coming decades, hydrocarbons will gradually and increasingly give way to renewable energies. This transfer of energy from fossil energy to renewable energy can turn the rich oil and gas reserves of countries like Iran into stray capitals in the not too distant future. Among fossil fuels, liquefied gas or LNG has characteristics that can play an important and effective role in meeting the needs of human societies during the transition from fossil fuels to clean and renewable energy sources. The capabilities of storage, long-haul transportation by ship, re-export and re-gasification make LPG a flexible and attractive resource in the energy transfer process. The results and inferential findings show that due to the advantages, increasing demand and consumption of LNG in the transition period on the one hand, and the geographical location and unique capacities of Iran for the production and export of liquefied gas on the other hand, the development of infrastructures The production and export of LNG can compensate for the decrease in Iran's oil exports and revenues during the period of transition from fossil fuels to renewable energies. In short, production and export liquid gas In the process of transition from fossil fuels to clean and renewable energy sources and in the transition period, it has valuable results, the most important of which are:1.The current situation of the world trade in liquefied natural gas does not correspond with Iran's share of the world's gas reserves. A look at the global LNG trade shows that Iran practically has no place in the regional and global trade of liquefied gas. Iran, as the second country in the world in terms of huge reserves of natural gas, especially in the oil and gas fields of the Persian Gulf, If properly planned and appropriate economic diplomacy is adopted, it can well become one of the most important countries in the world in the world trade of liquefied gas. 2.Contrary to geopolitical restrictions and issues related to natural gas export pipelines, Iran's possession of long coastlines in the Persian Gulf and the Sea of ​​Oman on the one hand, and the ability of LNG to be transported through large ocean-going ships, can make Iran in line with To connect the export of liquefied gas to all world markets. 3.The advantages of liquid gas as a relatively "flexible" fuel, with the ability to store, regasify, load and re-export, and the possibility of using LNG terminals to store, transfer and export liquid hydrogen, ammonia, etc. The future makes LNG a superior "transition" fuel. 4.The capabilities of LNG as a relatively "flexible" fuel with less emissions can reduce energy transmission costs and energy security risks in many countries of the world, especially less developed countries, in the process of transitioning from fossil fuels to clean energies. and renewables, and help boost the liquefied gas business globally. Production and export planning liquid gas, Parallel Applying an active and intelligent economic diplomacy at the regional and global levels will bring very valuable results in the direction of securing national interests, attracting foreign exchange resources, increasing government revenues and economic development of the country along with will have.

Hard military advances have been the earliest means of achieving the goals of the great powers throughout history. But changes in the global arena have led to the emergence of newer tools to advance political goals. The most important tool that is being considered by big governments today is the economy. This is why many other powerful countries in different models are trying to take advantage of this potential. China, one of the emerging powers that are becoming the world's economic superpower, has also adopted policies and strategies in this regard.This research analyzes and examines the strategies chosen by China with a descriptive-analytical approach and using theoretical documents and hypotheses in this field. This study categorizes the strategies used by China in the Middle East into three categories: political circuits, contextual circuits and cultural circuits, and according to the strengthening of each of these circuits, the speed, intensity and stability of economic development and It will increase its political influence in the international arena.

This study examines the opportunities facing Iran to revise its geo-economics’ approach to the Eurasian Economic Union’s member countries through four techniques: Cosine index, Finger and Crinin index, Grubel and Lloyd index and estimation potential trade index in 2019. The results of the Cosinus index indicate that Iran has the highest degree of similarity with Belarus 0.858 and the correlation coefficient calculated with the Finger and Crinin index 0.918 confirms these results. According to the Grubel-Lloyd index, Iran had the most intra-industrial trade with the Eurasian Union in the product of all skin types and raw skin and Leather. 0.943. The results of the trade potential index showed that Iran has made little use of its trade capacity with Eurasian countries, so that, for example, it has only relied on 0.16% of the 1.8% of its export capacity to Russia. On the other hand, the article moves on to identify and calculate a set of goods that have the highest degree of intra-industrial trade as well as the highest export potential to Eurasian Union’s countries.Therefore, it is suggested that according to a long-term approach a country like Iran should look at the all three components of geo-economics (economy, geography, and power) in the same direction to secure its long - term interests through an effective regional convergence. These results can be a proper guideline to draw Iran's trade promotion strategy with Eurasian Union member states in order to revise the geo-economic approach of the country.

Since September 2015 and the Russian military intervention in the country, the interests in Syria have been numerous and of great importance for the actors involved in this conflict. Russia, like the Allies and opponents of the Bashar Al-Assad regime, is fighting for geopolitical, geo-economic, or ideological reasons. The Middle East region finds itself shaken by the sharp resurgence of a confrontation between actors allied to the United States, other allies of Russia, and this Syrian crisis thus impacts the geopolitical configuration of the region. This paper presents an analysis of the Russian intervention strategy in Syria. The question is, why did Russia intervene in the Syrian civil war? The hypothesis is that Russia intervened in Syria to strengthen the already existing Russian-Syrian alliance, curb extremist proliferation, and take advantage of Syria's strategic position. The objective is to determine the reasons for the Russian military intervention in Syria related to energy and geo-economic interests. The Russian intervention in Syria was an ideal opportunity to draw closer to several powerful states in the region and a way to benefit from positive spin-offs on its arms market and hydrocarbon road plans. Despite the risks and costs associated with defending the Syrian regime, Moscow has secured its political and economic power in the Middle East. This research is based on a qualitative research method using data collection and analysis tools.

One of the most important geo-political variables influencing the country's fate is the energy variable and one of the ways that Iran can increase its national security factor is to pay attention to foreign policy based on security and transit of energy (oil and gas). In the new geo-economic territories, Iran plays a vital role in the Middle East region in general and in the Persian Gulf in particular.  Therefore, the present paper aims to investigate the geopolitical and geo-economical role of Gulf energy transit on the National security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Research findings show that in the geopolitical and geostrategic dimension, the Persian Gulf is the focal point of several important energy consumption domains, that from one side to Europe, Central Asia and the Caucasus, and on the other side to the east (India, China, Pakistan) and the ocean India is connected. If Iran is able to tie itself in these areas, energy security and, in a more in-depth look, their national interests and national security are tied to the security and national interests of Iran, and as a result these countries toward to a threat  of Iran's security and national interests,  become more sensitive and hard-core . From this geo-economics dimension, Iran is also the world's second oil and gas holder, and is capable of becoming one of the main partners and suppliers of energy in these countries, which it can increase the country's economic strength. Increasing economic power leads to national growth and development and is a factor in increasing the national power of the country in other dimensions, which results in the provision of national security in a positive way. This paper has analyzed based on the Copenhagen School of Theory (Regional Security set). The research method is descriptive-analytical and data collection method is also a library method.

Russia's policy towards the Persian Gulf region, especially since the beginning of the second millennium until now- while paying attention to some historical goals and also under the influence of internal developments and new regional and global mechanism- Includes new motivations. In this article, the authors seek to provide a convincing answer to this question: given Russia's multilateralism approach and its efforts to link geopolitical goals and geo-economics incentives in the Persian Gulf region what are the goals of Russia's new approach to the GCC countries? According to the hypothesis of this study, Russia's new approach to the GCC countries, after the developments in 2011 and according to the type of policies and differences of members, as well as developments in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, in three groups "Saudi Arabia, UAE and Bahrain", "Kuwait and Oman" and "Qatar" are divided and the council is not seen as a united organization and bloc. This approach is based on multilateralism and is pursued in connection with geopolitical and geo-economics goals. In contrast, the GCC countries have expanded political, economic, scientific and military ties with Russia in order to maximize their interests, as well as to diversify their relations with the United States and the West.

Common historical and cultural features and geopolitics proximity encourage energy, transit, and regional cooperation between Iran and Turkmenistan. This article examines the different aspects of economic relations between Iran and Turkmenistan, including the opportunities and challenges as well as the potentials to develop ties. The current research also investigates the different ways through which Iran can involve in Turkmenistan's economy. The findings show that is that it can be achieved by strengthening the transit lines and resolving Iranian exporters' visas, guaranteeing investment risk, prioritizing economic diplomacy, and defining common interests in the transit area. Both countries are of great importance in the international arena because energy exports strengthening the cooperation between the two countries could lead to a more significant impact of these two actors internationally. This article attempts to describe the main issues of this paper is a descriptive and analytical method.

As IR scholars have long recognized, the alignment with foreign actors has been particularly relevant for regional balance in the West Asian power relations and in the same way, France is among the powers that has always been taken into consideration in the West Asian extra-regional alliance strategies. Besides that, over the past two decades, economic leverages has gained momentum in IR including in cross-regional Geostrategic alignments and are employed as an important foreign policy tool. So the main question of this article is how the Geo-economics have shaped French foreign policy within the context of West Asian geopolitical rivalry and what have been the consequences for Iran? Supposing that the region's vast commercial, financial and arms market have been evolved into Geo-economic leverages, ready to influence the foreign policy behavior of major trans-regional powers, this paper examines the use of these leverages in the context of Saudi-Iranian cold war and demonstrates that how this trend has paved the way for Franco-Iranian foreign policy confrontation on multiple regional issues.Current studies suggest that, in addition to the bipolar atmosphere surged from Saudi- Iranian conflicts, the Spillover of the region's crises into Europe and the US “Pivot to Asia” strategy, among others, are major contextual components determining France interventions in West Asia. The results of this study indicate that the aggregation of economic levers in the camp of Iran's regional rivals has conferred certain competitive geopolitical advantages and has affected French foreign policy options while adding to the fragility of Franco-Iranian relations.

After the Islamic Revolution, Iran has pursued a special discourse at the global and regional levels. This new discursive identity seeks to achieve its discursive ideals in its traditional domain, namely the Middle East. The research question is: What are the characteristics of the regionalist discourse pursued by the Islamic Republic of Iran? And what tools does Iran use to realize the discourse of Islamic regionalism? The findings indicate that currently the three Salafi discourses of Saudi Arabia, the Brotherhood of Turkey and the revolutionary Shiites of Iran are competing in shaping this region. Their most important points of contention are how they deal with Israel and the role and influence of outside powers, including the United States, in the region. The main goal of the Iranian revolutionary Shiite discourse is the idea of uniting the Muslim world with the approach of civilizational warfare, whereas in another discourse, they pursue the nation-state approach and do not follow the idea of unity of the Muslim World. The central signifier of Islamic regionalism is political Islam and the central signifier of the other two discourses is secularism. Iran pursues the main goal of this discourse through networking with geopolitical, geo-cultural and geo-economic themes. The main referent of geopolitical networking is the Israeli threat, the referent of geo-cultural networking is displayed through close contact with the Muslim Brotherhood version of Islam, and finally, the referent of geo-economic networking is demonstrated from the Persian or Islamic pipeline. By combining the two concepts of meaning and geography, Iran seeks to confront the malignant Western hegemony. The main purpose of this study is to investigate the discourse of Islamic regionalism considered by the Islamic Republic of Iran using a descriptive-analytical approach.

The Belt and Road Initiative as the biggest and the boldest plan in China’s foreign policy is perceived as a great stride toward China’s self-expression and abandoning the legacy of Deng Xiaoping in keeping a low profile, which would have wide repercussions worldwide. This structural change will be especially felt in regional dimensions, and as the closer the regions are to China, the greater will be the effects upon them. Central Asia is a region that will be affected strongly by this initiative. China inaugurated its vast and ambitious strategy to revive the Silk Road in 2013 during a visit by Xi Jinping to Kazakhstan, which shows the importance of Central Asia as the gateway for China’s modern Silk Road. The nature of Chinese strategy is expansion of connectivity to have new routes for its exports to its main markets especially to Europe. Therefore a historic opportunity is provided for active participation by other states in this great endeavor to expand cultural interaction besides transit of goods. In this regard, Iran as a great nation in Western Asia with shared borders with Central Asia has vested interests in this region. Historically and culturally Iran has many commonalities with Central Asia. So, this question arises that what would be the best and the most efficient approach in regional foreign policy of Iran in Central Asia as a response to Belt and Road Initiative and what are its consequences? To answer this question it is argued that based on constructivism theory and its effects on new regionalism, an approach based on Cultural Iran is regarded as the best policy for Iran which in comparison with other approaches would be more beneficial in realizing the comparative advantage of Iran. Cultural Iran is a concept which differentiates between geographical and cultural domains of Iran. Based on its deep historical and civilizational roots, Iran is regarded as among those few states in the world which have wider cultural spheres than their actual geographical borders. Cultural Iran means those invisible borders that embrace the historical and cultural roots of ancient Persia are still alive and potentially revivable. Therefore, we hypothesize that the best strategy for Iran in the Belt and Road Initiative in Central Asia would be a cultural approach, based on Iran`s soft power. Furthermore, a comparative analysis of three kinds of approaches in Iran’s regional policy in Central Asia, including geopolitics, geo-economics and geo-culture will be provided. At the end, the obstacles of Iran’s geo-culture will be examined. Our assumption on the nature of the Belt and Road Initiative is that it is a multi-dimensional concept with different geopolitical, geo-economical and geo-cultural aspects. The main assumption in the West and especially in the United States is that BRI is a geopolitical strategy by China in challenging the current American and western global order. So, the best response to BRI must be a geological response based on power and show of force. On the other hand, China constantly emphasizes that BRI is exclusively an economic strategy without any geopolitical aspects. China claims that BRI is a helping hand for strengthening globalization, which is being undermined by the U.S. actions. Our assumption in this paper is that BRI is a mutually beneficial strategy for both Iran and China, and Iran is ready and willing to participate in it. However, as Iran has deep historical and civilizational roots in Central Asia which can be used as a soft power, it will be better positioned in BRI by trying to revive these ancient roots. In conclusion, we argue that Iran’s foreign policy has different expressions in different regions and sub-regions. Iran has mainly a geopolitical approach in the Middle East which is of course based on the nature of developments in this region. In South Asia, the Iranian foreign policy is most geo-economic, which is the main reason in Iran’s balanced relations with both India and Pakistan. Iran’s main strategy in this region is North-South Transportation Corridor, by the participation of India, Russia and Iran and the possibility for inclusion of Pakistan and China. At the end, it is argued that Iran’s strategy and approach in Central Asia should be mainly a geo-cultural one. This approach is proposed because Iran is not willing and able to challenge the traditional geopolitical influence of Russia in Central Asia and is not willing and able either to challenge the geo-economic influence of China in the region. However, by focusing on the Iranian historical and civilizational roots in the region, there will be no challenge for Russia and China but great benefits will be provided by this approach for the nations in the sphere of Cultural Iran. However, there are some challenges for Iran in realizing this geo-cultural approach. One of the main obstacles is the religious one, as Iran is a Shiite country and the Central Asian states are mostly Sunnis. Also, the Central Asian countries are secular states with a cautious foreign policy in relations to Iran. Although Iran has had a pragmatic approach in relation with the countries in the region and has been a great helping hand for them in difficult times, the image framed by the West regarding Iran, has been quite negative.

The world is divided into various geopolitical regions, one of the most prominent of which is the Persian Gulf and south-western Asia. In recent decades, this geopolitical and strategic region has always been one of the tension regions in the world and has been intensifying in recent years. Although geopolitical events in the Southwest region of Asia have influenced by the global geopolitical structure, its security arrangements and geopolitical structure have depended on largely to Saudi Arabia's and the Islamic Republic's behavior as two superior regional powers and two rival powers. Therefore, the research problem is how the geopolitical relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia and within context what geopolitical discourse can be realized the cooperation and convergence between them and generally in the southwest of Asia. This research is done using descriptive-analytical method and using library data. The results of the research show that the relations between these two regional powers are based on ideological geopolitical indices that have led to militarism, rivalry over domains of influence, ideological rivalries, the division of geopolitical space, increased tensions, and proxy wars in the region. However, if geo-economics strategy and discourse in the region are adopted, regional co-operation and integration and also regional development and sustainable security can be provided.

Latin America is a region rich in underground valuable resources coveted by the United States for long so much so that they have assumed it as their backyard and endeavored to interfere in its affairs in more than a century. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as a result of the cruel sanctions of the United States as well as its being confronted with their hostile policies, has tried to expand and deepen its spiritual influence in the Latin American region by using soft power and exploiting the existing conflicts between some of the states of this region with the United States. Tehran has been able to expand its strategic depth in this backyard of the US by interacting with this region in political, economic, and cultural areas. The main topic of the present paper is that Latin America because of its special economic, cultural – accommodating a large number of Arabs and Muslims- and political status, can play a crucial role in meeting Iran's objectives like developing political, economic, and cultural influence and diversifying its export destination including its technical and engineering services. In this regard, the main question of the present article is: How can soft power act as an important instrument of the Islamic Republic of Iran to increase its influence in the Latin American region? Indeed, along the policy of diversifying its foreign partners and allies, the Islamic Republic of Iran is seeking to attract other partners in Latin America to increase its political, economic and cultural influence by applying public diplomacy and soft power.