جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Geoculture » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The Karabakh crisis remained in a state of neither war nor peace for tens of years, but with the Second Karabakh War, it came out of the state of "frozen conflict" and the South Caucasus, especially the Karabakh region, underwent deep changes. Since this war is not a random thing but rooted in the historical developments of the region, the main question of the article is “how did the course of historical developments in the South Caucasus affect the geopolitics of that region in the 2020 Karabakh war?” In response, this hypothesis proposes that the zero-sum situation was the principle governing the geopolitical developments of the South Caucasus region and its lasting legacy. This article has evaluated the complex history of the South Caucasus its geopolitics and its economic and cultural components, Geo-economics, and Geo-culture, and examined its consequences for the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020. The findings of the research showed that the Second Karabakh war was an ethnic-territorial war and the economic components played an essential role in its formation. Also, the sum of zero is the ruling principle in this region. In this article, a deductive research approach has been used, which is with the application of the geopolitical study model in the framework of regional studies. The data analysis was descriptive-analytical and the data of this research was collected using internet and library sources.

Many analyzes about the Arbaeen phenomenon have been in the field of geopolitics and the political consequences of this phenomenon for the region and the world. While this phenomenon cannot be limited to the political-security domain; Rather, the analyzes of geoculture, focusing on identity issues, will shed light on its various dimensions, and from this entry, we can also enter into the identity analyzes surrounding the regional order. Based on this, it is very important to analyze why and how the Arbaeen procession affects the Shia geoculture, focusing on the identitarianism arising from it.

In methodology, research indicators, society and statistical sample will be studied using quantitative methods. This article is practical in terms of purpose, quantitative in terms of method, and field survey in terms of data collection method.

The findings of the research show that most of the statistical sample of the research, despite having different views on Shiite identityism, are sensitive to its existing challenges and have a tendency to be active. Also, the statistical sample of the Arbaeen procession has evaluated the promotion of the sense of belonging to the Shiite identity, which shows that; The Arbaeen ceremony has had a positive effect in preserving, consolidating and strengthening the Shiite identity among its followers.

Based on the findings of the research, the fading of physical boundaries and the expansion of identity boundaries in the belief of social forces in the future, it seems likely that if it is accompanied by the provision of solidarity grounds, it will cause It will be the cultural geography of social groups.

In recent decades, changes and developments in the international arena in various forms have provided the grounds for the growing dependence of countries on each other. In such a way that this dependence has made it very difficult to achieve national interests and security without active and powerful acting and role-playing resulting from a realistically foreign policy in the regional and global arena. Whereas the adoption of an effective foreign policy in order to create sustainable security depends on recognizing the influencing factors on the foreign policy of countries; Therefore, efforts should strengthen these mentioned factors to achieve national goals and create security. On this basis, among the security maker factors, geopolitical factors is one of the most important and influential factor, because geopolitics can determine the foreign policy strategies of countries and by identifying the limitations and facilities in the geographical space of the country, can provide achievement grounds to political goals, power and security of the country. The main purpose of this study is to explain the geopolitical opportunities that generate power and sustainable security for Iran in the region of Southwest Asia. This study seeks to answer the question of how is Iran's geopolitical weight evaluated in the security equations of the of Southwest Asia region? Methodology governing the present study, which has a descriptive-analytical nature, Based on the theory of Barry Buzan's regional security complex, it is based on the assumption that the geopolitical variable (as the main influential factor in shaping Iran's security equations)

Many analyzes of institutional issues are devoted to economic and political analyzes, and less attention has been paid to the role of cultural components and social movements by institutionalists. Today, however, cultural and social phenomena have a significant impact on international relations. The Arba'een Pilgrimage is also a phenomenon that can be studied in this regard. Accordingly, the analysis of why and how institutional elements affect the consistency of a regional order is of great importance.

In methodology, the statistical population and research indicators will be studied using quantitative methods. This article is descriptive-analytical in terms of purpose and methodical in terms of method and field survey in terms of data collection.

Based on this, the question that arises is that the institutional components of the Arba'een Pilgrimage have been able to play an important role in the Shiite geoculture by influencing the consistency and reshaping of the regional order in the framework of the Shiite geoculture.

Institutionalization at three levels of transnational (focusing on cultural pluralism), transnational (focusing on international integration) and national (focusing on the role of government) has led to the consolidation of the Shiite geocultural order at the regional level.

Geopolitical relations are the relations between political units based on the context of geographical web sites.This descriptive-analytical study tries to identify the most important settings and contexts of geopolitical relations between political units at the scale of the Persian Gulf regions. Identifying the contexts and fields of relations between the countries located in the Persian Gulf region is of great importance due to the geopolitical and geo-economic position of this region in the structure of world power. In this research, first the theories and approaches of relations have been studied and their common chapter has been extracted in order to identify the areas affecting the relations of countries and then these components have been implemented in relation to the Persian Gulf. The results of the research show that the most important contexts and fields of geopolitical relations between the countries in the Persian Gulf region are in four dimensions: hydro-political, geopolitical, geo-economics and geo-culture. The most important factors influencing the relations between countries include the geopolitical position of the region, territorial claims of the countries in the region to each other, ideological orientation in the region, bipolar geopolitical structure, conflicting security approaches, water shortages and common border rivers, geopolitical codes Conflict, competition for regional hegemony between Iran and Saudi Arabia, disagreement on some common maritime borders, existence of the Strait of Hormuz, unequal geopolitical weight of the countries in the region, failure to form a comprehensive regional organization, religious and ethnic ties have located among the countries of the region.

Economic reforms and following that, China s peaceful rise was the beginning of the great powers and proponents of liberal values in structure of international order. The consequence of this concern has been some endeavors to try construct of China s threat perception in international system and stop China s rise. This article with confess to China s rising power in international relations and china s threat perception continuous constructing by the West, is seeking to acknowledge of the threat perception sources and how china s use of Confucius institute in its foreign policy as a geoculture attitude. The question that the article trying to answer it, is what are the main important sources of China s threat perception how the china uses of the Confucius institute as a geoculture approach? This article with descriptive- explanative method argues Confucius institute acts as China s Foreign policy instrument to moderate the atmosphere of the constructed threat and reform of the views to intentions and actions of China by introducing history, culture and civilization of china. Findings of this research shows the China s threat perception sources can categorize in three part: geopolitic- military, political- ideological and economic.

The Belt and Road Initiative as the biggest and the boldest plan in China’s foreign policy is perceived as a great stride toward China’s self-expression and abandoning the legacy of Deng Xiaoping in keeping a low profile, which would have wide repercussions worldwide. This structural change will be especially felt in regional dimensions, and as the closer the regions are to China, the greater will be the effects upon them. Central Asia is a region that will be affected strongly by this initiative. China inaugurated its vast and ambitious strategy to revive the Silk Road in 2013 during a visit by Xi Jinping to Kazakhstan, which shows the importance of Central Asia as the gateway for China’s modern Silk Road. The nature of Chinese strategy is expansion of connectivity to have new routes for its exports to its main markets especially to Europe. Therefore a historic opportunity is provided for active participation by other states in this great endeavor to expand cultural interaction besides transit of goods. In this regard, Iran as a great nation in Western Asia with shared borders with Central Asia has vested interests in this region. Historically and culturally Iran has many commonalities with Central Asia. So, this question arises that what would be the best and the most efficient approach in regional foreign policy of Iran in Central Asia as a response to Belt and Road Initiative and what are its consequences? To answer this question it is argued that based on constructivism theory and its effects on new regionalism, an approach based on Cultural Iran is regarded as the best policy for Iran which in comparison with other approaches would be more beneficial in realizing the comparative advantage of Iran. Cultural Iran is a concept which differentiates between geographical and cultural domains of Iran. Based on its deep historical and civilizational roots, Iran is regarded as among those few states in the world which have wider cultural spheres than their actual geographical borders. Cultural Iran means those invisible borders that embrace the historical and cultural roots of ancient Persia are still alive and potentially revivable. Therefore, we hypothesize that the best strategy for Iran in the Belt and Road Initiative in Central Asia would be a cultural approach, based on Iran`s soft power. Furthermore, a comparative analysis of three kinds of approaches in Iran’s regional policy in Central Asia, including geopolitics, geo-economics and geo-culture will be provided. At the end, the obstacles of Iran’s geo-culture will be examined. Our assumption on the nature of the Belt and Road Initiative is that it is a multi-dimensional concept with different geopolitical, geo-economical and geo-cultural aspects. The main assumption in the West and especially in the United States is that BRI is a geopolitical strategy by China in challenging the current American and western global order. So, the best response to BRI must be a geological response based on power and show of force. On the other hand, China constantly emphasizes that BRI is exclusively an economic strategy without any geopolitical aspects. China claims that BRI is a helping hand for strengthening globalization, which is being undermined by the U.S. actions. Our assumption in this paper is that BRI is a mutually beneficial strategy for both Iran and China, and Iran is ready and willing to participate in it. However, as Iran has deep historical and civilizational roots in Central Asia which can be used as a soft power, it will be better positioned in BRI by trying to revive these ancient roots. In conclusion, we argue that Iran’s foreign policy has different expressions in different regions and sub-regions. Iran has mainly a geopolitical approach in the Middle East which is of course based on the nature of developments in this region. In South Asia, the Iranian foreign policy is most geo-economic, which is the main reason in Iran’s balanced relations with both India and Pakistan. Iran’s main strategy in this region is North-South Transportation Corridor, by the participation of India, Russia and Iran and the possibility for inclusion of Pakistan and China. At the end, it is argued that Iran’s strategy and approach in Central Asia should be mainly a geo-cultural one. This approach is proposed because Iran is not willing and able to challenge the traditional geopolitical influence of Russia in Central Asia and is not willing and able either to challenge the geo-economic influence of China in the region. However, by focusing on the Iranian historical and civilizational roots in the region, there will be no challenge for Russia and China but great benefits will be provided by this approach for the nations in the sphere of Cultural Iran. However, there are some challenges for Iran in realizing this geo-cultural approach. One of the main obstacles is the religious one, as Iran is a Shiite country and the Central Asian states are mostly Sunnis. Also, the Central Asian countries are secular states with a cautious foreign policy in relations to Iran. Although Iran has had a pragmatic approach in relation with the countries in the region and has been a great helping hand for them in difficult times, the image framed by the West regarding Iran, has been quite negative.

Turkey is one of the important players in the regional environment of the South Caucasus. Turkey, with the approach and effectiveness of two elements, geopolitics and geoculture, is trying to play an important role and define its national and regional interests. With the rise of the AKP, Turkey's foreign policy changed to realism and multidimensionality, which has increased its prestige and influence in the Caucasus region. In the South Caucasus, these two elements, along with the economy and fine investment, have doubled Turkey's influence in the South Caucasus. Turkey's strategy in this region is to infiltrate and achieve its political, security and cultural goals. In this regard, this study seeks to answer the main question: "What effect do the geopolitical and geocultural components of Turkey have on the political, security and cultural goals in the South Caucasus?" Has used books, articles and documents. The research findings indicate that Turkey is mediated by two geopolitical elements

Geoculture is one of the basic fields of geopolitics that studies culture and politics interface. Cultural geography of a region, considering time and place, makes a specific geoculture. Cultural features such as religious, linguistic and ethnic identity can play an important role in this area. Religion is one of the main elements of cultural identity that has proved its impact on culture in different situations. Salafism as a religious- political doctrine in Islam tries to form its special geoculture relative to its goals so it influences internal and external geoculture of the countries of the region. Iran as a Shiite country and opposed to extremist Salafism, is not an exception in this regard. Because not only Iran has an Islamic identity, it is influenced by Sunni regions inside the country which is affects its internal geoculture and causes insecurity. This article shows that Salafism in Iranian internal geopolicy has formed new players that has caused religious sectarianism and ethnic challenges in Sunni provinces. These events are threatening national security. The new players try to cooperate with Iran`s regional and extra-regional rivals.

Regional networks, based on their characteristics, provide different conditions for formation and growth of anti-systemic groups. Regional orders, based on sustainability, robustness, security, stability and dynamic, are differentiated; therefore they will be confronted with different security dilemmas. Today, Islamic World, as a regional network, is confronted with multitudinous of such groups. Therefore the causes of formation and growth of these groups within regional order, of Islamic World, is the axis of this article. Anti-systemic groups are multidimensional and as a social, political and cultural phenomenon. On this base authors argue that world of Islam has a central position in global order and because of this intrusive power is very sensitive to control of it’s order and this power by use of incoherent structure of this network has formed anti-systemic groups as strategic instruments of control system of regional order. Meanwhile resistant groups have been formed at regional-social level against regional policies of intrusive power. , there are numerous types of these groups such as instrumental and resistant or defensive-offensive that play in Islamic regional network. Some of these groups play an instrumental role of regional intrusive powers, and some of them are resistance groups. Some of these groups help to fulfill the control functions of intrusive power. In this Article by using the case study method with priority of theory, investigate the hypothesis.in this respect first step theoretical model will be designed and then the regional network of Islam as a case will survey.

The importance of investigating relations of convergence of Iran and Pakistan is due to the fact that during several recent decades (especially, after Islamic revolution of Iran), they could not make acceptable relations as what is deserved because of some problems – mostly ideological ones - between two friend and neighbor countries. This fact results in the general opinion that the nature of relations of Iran and Pakistan is critical, unreliable, and divergent. On this basis, this research attempts to answer the question of how Iran and Pakistan can experience convergent relations. The research hypothesis is that, despite the current tensions between the two countries, which are mostly unwanted, there are opportunities for convergence and desired relations between the two countries. Historically, both countries have many cultural (geocultural), geopolitical, and geographical relations. This can lead to achieving more desired relations in other fields so that two countries can be able to promote mutual relations with better and more serious participation in regional groupings such as political-economical treaty of Shanghai, economical treaty of ECO, Islamic Countries Organization, and the group called D-8 with dual nature of geopolitics–geoeconomics relations. In addition, the exports and imports of nonenergic (non–oil goods) and energic sources (gas sources and other fossil sources) can be part of Geo-economic relations between Iran and Pakistan. This research is a descriptive-analitical study. The research data has been gathered in documentary method referring to valid sources such as books, published papers, and valid reports.

The importance of investigating relations of convergence of Iran and Pakistan is due to the fact that during several recent decades (especially, after Islamic revolution of Iran), they could not make acceptable relations as what is deserved because of some problems – mostly ideological ones - between two friend and neighbor countries. This fact results in the general opinion that the nature of relations of Iran and Pakistan is critical, unreliable, and divergent. On this basis, this research attempts to answer the question of how Iran and Pakistan can experience convergent relations. The research hypothesis is that, despite the current tensions between the two countries, which are mostly unwanted, there are opportunities for convergence and desired relations between the two countries. Historically, both countries have many cultural (geocultural), geopolitical, and geographical relations. This can lead to achieving more desired relations in other fields so that two countries can be able to promote mutual relations with better and more serious participation in regional groupings such as political-economical treaty of Shanghai, economical treaty of ECO, Islamic Countries Organization, and the group called D-8 with dual nature of geopolitics–geoeconomics relations. In addition, the exports and imports of nonenergic (non–oil goods) and energic sources (gas sources and other fossil sources) can be part of Geo-economic relations between Iran and Pakistan. This research is a descriptive-analitical study. The research data has been gathered in documentary method referring to valid sources such as books, published papers, and valid reports.

Characteristics and cultural characteristics affecting relations between ethnic and religious groups, the ability to establish rapport and communicate effectively in a country and the region, have a significant role. Various regions in the world, according to the geographical conditions, has a different structure from the perspective of cultural geography (Geoculture) to-be. In the area geopolitical conflict in the Persian Gulf countries geography - its cultural. this region in the era of globalization and socio-economic discourse in the third millennium of the world is, Still interact with encapsulation, influenced by traditional beliefs, ethnic, religious and cultural govern the relationship between themselves, are the. In the area of human challenges such as population growth and migration, religious differences, ethnicity, thinking that the topics discussed in this article are the traditional authoritarianism, lack of understanding and interaction play an important role in creating and The main factor among countries. The results show that the factors mentioned by the strong infrastructure (manpower and Mineral Resources) for development, continued strong role in creating a challenging and comprehensive relationship in the Persian Gulf countries.

Evolution of ideas about the role of domestic politics and international geographic zones has been proposed, which dates back over a century. These theories state that initially had quite a geopolitical, now in the twenty-first century with regard to cultural approaches and the role of culture in international politics, are in the agenda of social and political science and on the other hand is under control of actual policies. The comments of geopolitical transition process can be traced to geoculture in all these theories, the Middle East and the Muslim world had an important role in this issue. The main matter is: what is Iran’s role as one of the leading countries in this evolution? What are the current situation in the field of Islamic civilization in conflict with those of other competitors and its role in conflict countries and representatives of other civilizations, especially with the West, led by America? Using a library of documents and studies have shown the collapse of the powers such as Egypt and Iraq, the Battle front is within Islamic civilization reached the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and Iran’s representative to the Islamic civilization progress. On the other hand, Iran as central Islamic civilization has become a serious rival to the United States.