جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « IRI » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

In the field of marketing, the most desirable scenario involves the company maintaining an optimal level of market share with an increasing trend over time, as well as preventing any decline or reduction in the market share. Concerning political marketing and elections, there is even more necessary to have such a favorable scenario. Based on the significance of customer retention, this approach maintains that a party can win if it secures the largest market share while minimizing customer attrition. It seems to be an essential approach given the nature of political marketing characterized by the intense competition among political parties, the unavoidable impact of social media, the uncertainty about fulfilling campaign promises, and the risky nature of political transactions (cash vs. credit imbalance) —all of which can contribute to the vulnerability of political marketing, hence a declining trend in the voter turnout. Relationship marketing, as a modern marketing technique, can help political activists to mitigate these challenges, offering effective solutions to minimize campaign costs and increase the likelihood of success in elections. Political relationship marketing has been the subject of inquiry in several studies (e.g., Afjeh’i & Khademi-Garashi, 2016; Talari & Mousavi-Shafaei, 2015). Rizan et al. (2014) delved into the impact of relationship marketing on customer loyalty.A declining trend in the number of electoral votes is one of the challenges faced by political parties in Iran. The issue appears to be rooted in their marketing strategies. In fact, political marketing strategies can potentially present a persuasively alluring image of the candidate’s integrity and virtue while covering up their flaws. Consequently, the politician who has been getting promoted is often perceived as an ideal figure. In most cases, voters may not understand the techniques used in campaigns, succumbing to the persuasive tactics employed by the candidate and thus increasing the likelihood of making a mistake in their choice and experiencing early regret. In fact, insufficient knowledge about the candidate or party contributes to such mistakes on the part of voters. Moreover, the inability to retain voters, driven by factors such as a loss of trust and unfulfilled promises, can result in costly and sometimes irreparable damages to political parties. Considering the drawbacks of short-term marketing in the political arena for those involved and the political parties’ desire for sustained power, relationship marketing seems to be a suitable approach to address the shortcomings without compromising market share, fulfill political parties’ electoral aspirations (e.g., frequent wins), and to ensure that voters get to know candidates and political parties adequately and accurately. In this line, the present research investigates the influential factors in political relationship marketing, addressing the following questions: Can relationship marketing help overcome the challenges in political elections? And what factors are influential in establishing and maintaining the relationship?

There are numerous factors behind party wins in the electoral market. However, according to the theoretical framework of this research, establishing and maintaining a robust relationship between parties and voters, leading to voter loyalty, plays a pivotal role in the electoral success of political parties. Relying on a multi-stage conceptual model, the present study aimed to investigate the connection between relationship marketing and the success of parties in the political market and electoral contests. The study is located within the intersection of political science and marketing management. As an applied research involving field work, it adopted a descriptive–survey, correlation-based approach to investigate the research questions. First, the analysis focused on the effect of relationship marketing variables (i.e., commitment, fulfillment of promises, communication, competence, and trust) on satisfaction. The second step involved examination of the effect of satisfaction on voter loyalty. Finally, the research explored the correlation between loyalty, recommendations to others, and revoting, as influential factors contributing to the success of political parties. In the data analysis, the Pearson coefficient and the correlation coefficient were used to understand the relationships between the research variables.

The research findings indicated a significantly direct correlation between relationship marketing principles and voter satisfaction. The results of regression analysis demonstrated that these principles can predict satisfaction. There was also a significant relationship between satisfaction and loyalty, as well as between loyalty and both revoting and recommendation to others. Finally, a significant relationship was observed between success and revoting and recommendation to others.

The research results confirm that the success of political parties hinges on both retaining existing voters and attracting new ones. This process involves distinct stages: generating satisfaction by applying relationship marketing principles, enhancing and transforming satisfaction into loyalty and fandom through the practical implementation of the principles, adopting fan-driven marketing as a result of the loyalty cultivated, and finally giving recommendations to others. The first and second stages are executed through strategic planning and initiatives of strategists, along with the genuine and reassuring conduct of candidates and party executive agents. The third and fourth stages, on the other hand, rely on the active participation of party loyalists and supporters. Furthermore, two practical methods can be employed to attract new voters: direct and indirect recruitment. In the direct recruitment, the party itself leverages relationship marketing principles to draw in a collective of voters. In contrast, the indirect recruitment is facilitated by party loyalists and supporters—mostly represented by previous voters—and their efforts to embark on fan-driven marketing and give recommendations to other voters.

The main purpose of tax policy is to finance governments, but sometimes we see the shortcomings of the tax system in the executive dimension. The pathology of tax policy in Iran indicates that most of the issues in this process are related to the implementation phase. The main question of the forthcoming research is what are the causal factors influencing the weak implementation of tax policies in Iran? Research participants were purposefully selected and data were collected using in-depth interviews with 33 experts. The data of this study have been analyzed using a combined method. The findings indicate that tax disobedience among taxpayers (tax evasion), lack of integrated economic and financial database, lack of access to taxpayers' economic information, multiple and political shifts for tax system managers, multiple regulations, tax directives and contradictions are among the most important causes of weakness in tax policy in Iran.

After the Islamic Revolution of 1978 and the fall of the 2,500-year-old imperial regime in Iran, the United States became the first and most important threat to Iran's national security. Although Iran is not the most important threat to US national security, it is considered one of the most important threats to US national security. This study deals with the major impact of US policy on Iran's nuclear program, while also examining the foreign policy of Democrats on a case-by-case basis. In the present article, the pre-theory model of James Rosina is analyzed and evaluated by the descriptive-analytical method of US foreign policy and its impact on Iran's nuclear program, because it is a combination of micro and macro levels in the field of foreign policy. Based on research findings; One. US policies have had a profound effect on Iran's nuclear program, and US coercive policies to destroy Iran's nuclear program have had the exact opposite effect, pushing Iran to the brink of a nuclear bomb capability. The US Democrats are working with Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action to change the traditional US policy on Iran's nuclear program.

No certain definition has so far been rendered of hybrid threat. However threre are threats which have turned away from destruction to effect and are simultaneously conducted in line with destabilization by means of synergy as well as military, political and socio-economic tools. In the meantime, National Security is the capability of a nation in intercepting multifaceted threats and sustaining her survival through leverage of all policies as a nation-state. Accordingly, this study delves into hybrid threats in three levels including national, regional and international. To that end, it exploits questionnaire and documents in such a way that it proceeds through description-analysis upon a quantitative approach and in an applied type. The population of the study comprises 83 persons and the data are gathered on desk and out of questionnaire. The current paper recognizes 30 hybrid threats in three levels and four dimensions as: 21 international threats, 11 national threats and 9 regional threats out of which 11 ones are simultaneously active in two levels, and the most exacerbated threat is represented in the international level. Typologically speaking, hybrid threats are categorized into four groups: 16 in military, 14 in political sphere, 10 in societal sphere and 5 in economy out of which 15 are at the same time of two functions, and the effective threats are as follows: strategic disparity, legitimacy against Iran, delegitimization of Iran, domestic destabilization, domestic defortification, impenetration, weakening the governing system, raising the popular claims, desecuritization, internal depletion, external pressure, security guarantee, weakening resistance axis, scattering power, cyber space, destruction of infrastructure, intelligence operation, sustainable monitoring, paralyzing sanction, consensus-building, coalition and isolation, securitization of Iranian issue, security and regional destabilization, the Greater Middle East, proxy war, depopulation, cognitive threats, smart soldier and Ballistic Missile Defense.

No certain definition has so far been rendered of hybrid threat. However threre are threats which have turned away from destruction to effect and are simultaneously conducted in line with destabilization by means of synergy as well as military, political and socio-economic tools. In the meantime, National Security is the capability of a nation in intercepting multifaceted threats and sustaining her survival through leverage of all policies as a nation-state. Accordingly, this study delves into hybrid threats in three levels including national, regional and international. To that end, it exploits questionnaire and documents in such a way that it proceeds through description-analysis upon a quantitative approach and in an applied type. The population of the study comprises 83 persons and the data are gathered on desk and out of questionnaire. The current paper recognizes 30 hybrid threats in three levels and four dimensions as: 21 international threats, 11 national threats and 9 regional threats out of which 11 ones are simultaneously active in two levels, and the most exacerbated threat is represented in the international level. Typologically speaking, hybrid threats are categorized into four groups: 16 in military, 14 in political sphere, 10 in societal sphere and 5 in economy out of which 15 are at the same time of two functions, and the effective threats are as follows: strategic disparity, legitimacy against Iran, delegitimization of Iran, domestic destabilization, domestic defortification, impenetration, weakening the governing system, raising the popular claims, desecuritization, internal depletion, external pressure, security guarantee, weakening resistance axis, scattering power, cyber space, destruction of infrastructure, intelligence operation, sustainable monitoring, paralyzing sanction, consensus-building, coalition and isolation, securitization of Iranian issue, security and regional destabilization, the Greater Middle East, proxy war, depopulation, cognitive threats, smart soldier and Ballistic Missile Defense.

One of the issues discussed both in the political and geopolitics arena is the issue of globalization. Globalization has shown itself in various fields such as political, economic, cultural and other ones. Globalization is an inevitable process in economy, society and politics and it is important in the economic, cultural, social-political, and scientific-technological dimensions as today's globalization of the economy, culture and politics that are increasingly being spoken. Considering this issue, the research is based on the question that how has globalization influenced the process of political development in the Islamic Republic of Iran? The research method in this article is descriptive-analytic and the theoretical approach of "neoliberalism" is used to explain the research topic. Finding of the research shows that the tendency toward welfare state and widespread government involvement in the economy can create unfavorable conditions for the prosperity of civil society. Therefore, in political development, issues such as state discourse, the type of ideology, the form of governance, the type of leadership, the political and strategic geography conditions, and resources of the country should be considered.

The history of Middle East reveals the engagement of this region in instability, insecurity, crisis and conflict further than other geopolitical spheres. Regional wars, stratified conflicts,  territorial disputes, endless and frequent crises are of the factors which emphasize the study of security indices in this region. The sustainability of anarchy besides geopolitical codes has caused this region to be one of the most crisis-hit and insecure regions in the world. Accordingly, this paper mainly poses the conditions in which the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) as an effective regional actor pursues her desirable order as a question. Doing so,  it first reviews the current regional security models and contrasts them with the de facto conditions and characteristics of the region; second, it explicates the indices and desirable conditions and then defines the priorities for establishment of regional security order in the region. Following, it gathers and analyses the research documents and exploits the viewpoints of 25 experts to assess the validity of the results and determine the priorities. Furthermore, it analyses the viewpoints with SPSS; consequently, the outcome of the study suggests that the desirable model for the IRI is developed upon »participation «,» civilization and basic economy «and» soft power building«.

Following the failure of the Iranian people in the Constitutional Movement to restrict the king`s power through the parliament, a system-making revolution emerged and became a platform for the three powers of the new system to be established. Despite the activity of numerous political movements in Iran after the victory of the revolution, the status of the legislative pillar in forming the new system became very important. This article seeks to elucidate the role of the Islamists in creating and strengthening the legislative pillar of the system derived from the Islamic Revolution. The Islamic current, using traditional organizing power and modern view of political participation, based on the ideas of Imam Khomeini, compiling the regulation of election, presenting a single list in Tehran, introducing outstanding figures in other provinces, accepting fundamental offices in the first parliament, presenting the drafts and surveying the bills , opposing opponents in the parliment and helping other pillars, has performed its most important tasks in the formation of the first parliament. In this research, library data has been analyzed in a descriptive-analytical method.

The most important challenge of the contemporary Islamic world is of cultural and mental nature caused by attack of western civilization teachings and, then, by an identity crisis. In such conditions, IRI caused a new cultural identity, an Islamic-humanistic one, based on Islamic principles and became a historical and Islamic turning-point; in this way, Divine and humanistic teachings of Islam revived. Present study has intended to prove and analyze identity links of IR to contemporary changes of Islamic world. Identity-seeking as one element of IR in the shadow of caused cultural capability and richness of content led to an Islamic identity in Islamic world. The paper, therefore, with the link of culture and identity analyzes deeds and changes in Islamic societies on the basis of cultural identity produced by IRI. Finally, measuring happened opportunities and threats, it has drawn the future view

Present paper has studied Ayatollah Khamenei`s view on political comment of Quranic concepts during IRI. The purpose lies in awareness with Ayatollah Khamenei`s approach of political comment of Quranic concepts and its effects in IRI. The method of study is descriptive-analytic. When analyzing political comment of the holy Quran, in addition to the holy text of the Quran, political, social and mental have been effective in appearance of political comment of Quranic concepts and their application in IRI. In this approach, religion has been known to be answering all human needs in individual, social and political fields. Before revolution, Ayatollah Khamenei has used such Quranic teachings as tawhid, nobowwat and imamat to support revolutionary movement against present condition (inner despotism and foreign prominence). Quranic political comment after revolution has been focused on the structure of political system, fighting against prominence system and Muslims unity

With regard to the difference between the concept of appropriate progress with epistemological and philosophical principles, Iranian various mental lines of thought have sought to formulate the problem. On this basis, the paper, relying on Foucaultian, Hegelian and, finally, native views, has studied the formalization of the concept of progress in Hegelian, postmodern and Islamic-Iranian approaches and has tried to answer the question: what relation may be found between Hegelian and postmodern view and Islamic-Iranian model of progress? Hegelian views in Iran have considered the category of progress as a line and the only fixed model as getting experience from the West. While, postmodern views have considered it not being as a line. As viewed in the paper, Islamic-Iranian model of progress, in spite of an attempt made by some to connect it to the postmodern one, is not of such a connection and presents another approach with different ontology, anthropology and epistemology

IRI, as one of the most important worldly happenings at the last years of the twentieth century, has been followed by great and vast changes in Iran`s social and political fields. And so has been in the field of historiography. Historiography is a notable and complicated subject rising from historian`s active and mental interaction with historical events. In each era, it is based upon its contemporary thoughts and discourses on which different eras of historiography appeared. On this basis, one never views the historiography of IRI as a continuance of Pahlavi`s one. What notable in historiography lies in knowledge of the way in which the historical event happens and historian`s thought of it. It is, therefore, necessary for Historians to note the grounds and desirable conditions in historiography of IRI and in studying historical events to prepare the grounds for a complete and documented historiography. In the paper, it has been tried to study the line in which the historiography of IRI occurred and criticize it.

Image making in international relations that is also called under various titles such as credit, reputation and international prestige arises, is so important because the picture of reality is generally seen more important than the reality itself. In particular, most evaluations and judgments of the public or international actors (such as organizations and multinational corporations) are taken from image making and even most of the existing mechanisms in the international arena are also based on the image makings.
Regarding the relations between Iran and the USA, in general, this question may arise whether it is possible to categorize the threatening acts of the USA against Iran? So this article is intended by using the descriptive analytical method and with approaches based on constructivism and the social side nature of international relations to clarify the concept of threat and its relation to topics such as Securitization and the threat of Normative space of international actors. And investigating the actions and reactions of the USA, this article aims to pose new conceptualizations of different layers of the threatened.

A survey of the impact of cooperation between the state and the nation in IRI is very essential and notable for perceiving its national security. The paper, therefore, has studied the question: what may be regarded as the impact of cooperation between the state and the nation in IRI? Answering the question, the researcher, inspired by systemic view, viewed that, contrary to the situation before revolution, after the revolution the state roused among the public and, being influenced by religious teachings and revolutionary leaders` thought and Iranian and Islamic political culture, took the form of a system. In this way, the cooperation played an important and vital part in the critical situations like imposed war and the treats of nation security.

IRI is equipped with strong and valuable cultural components originated from Islamic teachings and, particularly, the school of Ahal al-Bayt and, therefore, it can use a more active cultural diplomacy. Now the question of this study follows as: what may be counted as the components of IRI`s cultural diplomacy and what component may be viewed as more important? It is hypothesized that those components of ethics and insight are counted as the most notable one. The method taken in the paper is analytic-descriptive and applicable performed by interviewing the elite and theorists and using vast library and document-based research. As shown in the paper, those components of ethics and insight have been of the most effect and importance in comparison to the others. Needless to say, we will have more success in future.

Appearance of IRI in Iran opened a new course of political relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. The occurrence being supported basically by Shiite revolutionary ideas caused considerable changes in the region. In this study, the impacts of IR on the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia have been brought into consideration and analized. The elements affecting the relations may be counted as Iran`s intention for issuing IRI, Iran and Iraq war, Persian Gulf Cooperation Council, competition in OPEC, killing Iranian hujjaj and political activities of Shiites of Saudi Arabia. As shown in the paper, Saudi Arabia took the policy of reform and compatibility; yet, its politico-religious contradiction with Shiite government caused a permanent hostility to IRI.

USA model of behavior toward IRI has been based on hostility. The model being applied during the years since establishment of IRI in the form of multi-aspect approachs and policies in political, security, military, economic and cultural fields has been failed. Therefore, USA returned to the strategy of penetration. Though this strategy has been always at hand, after the nuclear payment between IRI and 5필 became hopeful to use the strategy. The importance of this strategy for USA is to such an extent that the great leader of revolution in his speches after the payment has emphasized it frequently. The paper has been intended to present an analytico-descriptive explanation of the strategy and its effect on IRI national security.

Stephen Walt views states fearing not from their most powerful enemies but from their most threatening enemies and, therefore, seek to attain balance against them. As he believes, the very feeling of threat is a function of four agents of compressed power of a country. These agents include threatening agent, power of invasion, intension of using this power and being geographically near to the source of threat. On this basis, IRI has regarded what happening in Syria as a threat against its own security and, therefore, intended to defend and support the ruling state of Syria directly. It should, however, be stated that IRI`s only reason for the defense and support is not what is said in Walt`s theory, rather, supporting resistance pivot and necessity for IRI role-playing in it with regard to its right-seeking ideals may be known as the main reason in the field. In this way, IRI intends to support and protect its regional united nations.

In the paper, it has been sought to present an analysis of Zionist regime and Saudi Arabia`s relations and answer the question: regarding fundamental disagreement between the two regimes as well as their religious opposition, is it possible for them to strengthen and deepen their relations? Using Walt Stephen`s theory of balance of threat as theoretical framework, the paper studies the hypothesis of unity of strategy of the two countries, particularly against IRI. As inferred in the paper, regarding IRI`s progressing influence and power in the west of Asia, the two countries feeling common threat of such a reality and adopting a practical policy, have related closely to one
another and deepened their relations. On this basis, they will strengthen the relations in future also.

The Political crisis in the Arabic countries which referred to as the Arabic spring, Not only have not established democratic regimes in the region, but also have leaded to emersion and expansion of Salafi-Takfiri groups in them. These groups emerged and began to recruit on regional countries, from the north and the Horn of Africa to Central Asia. Regard to Syria and Iraq are at the center of the terroristic crisis, threats of these terroristic groups become more visible for IRI. therefore, the central question of this study is that What is the main reason for the threat of Salafi-Takfiri groups against IRI security? The hypothesis of study is responding that ontological insecurity is the main reason for the threat of Salafi-Takfiri groups against IRI security. because the growth of Salafi-Takfiri groups has threatened IRI ontological security, with disrupting IRI foreign policy routines in Region. Aaaaaaaaaaa aaaa aaaaaa aaaaaa aa aaaaa aaaaa aaaaa aa aaaa aaaa aaa aaaaaaa aaaaaa ffffff fffff dddd sssss fffff fffffffff ggggdd.