جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Political Culture » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The culture of political participation is the cornerstone of having a dynamic and politically stable society. In societies with an acceptable political participation culture, decision-making will lead to the growth of the society. In this study, an attempt was made to determine the political culture of participation of natives and non-natives of Khuzestan province and the factors affecting it in the first half of 1402. The data collection method was done by survey method to investigate the political participatory culture, through standard questionnaires. In this method, the information and opinions of the citizens of Khuzestan province were collected randomly and through standard questions and analyzed through spss software. The findings of the research showed that being native or not has no effect on people's political participation, which itself shows the effect of other variables such as; Political culture has cultural and especially economic factors on people's political participation. In this regard, the variable effect of people's political attitude on the economic variable was significantly prominent. The results of the study showed that there is no significant difference between natives and non-natives living in Khuzestan province in terms of the culture of political participation as a dependent variable. Also, ethnicity and nativeness in Khuzestan province do not have an obvious effect on the culture of political participation and other variables such as; The variable of intention and political attitude affects the culture of political participation.

Revolutions have always been in danger of "restoration". This issue has also been raised about the Iranian revolution. From the very beginning days of the victory of the revolution, the monarchists had created an organization abroad with the desire to return the monarchy and started their conspiracies and crimes against the Iranian nation and the Islamic revolution. The royalists and their supporters, with the help of Western governments and some of their politicians, with the tactics of media diplomacy, and to overcome the discourse of the revolution, through the launch of dozens of sites and satellite networks and the cooperation of television channels, such as ManoTo, tried to revive the monarchy project.  But the project of restoring the Sultanate has not only been unsuccessful so far, but sociological evidence (such as the hashtag "you are my lawyer") has also shown that it will not be successful in the future either. In this regard, this research will address the main question of why the media diplomacy tactic has failed in the West's soft war against the Islamic Republic.

The theoretical framework of the article is based on the investigation of the evolution in political culture. Political culture has been defined as follows: patterns of orientation towards political issues, such as parties, courts, the constitution and the history of the state. Orientation means having talent and readiness for political action, which factors such as tradition, historical memories, motivations, norms, feelings, emotions and symbols determine these actions. Orientations can be divided into different types: cognitive orientations, which consist of knowledge and awareness of political issues; emotional orientations, that is, emotions and feelings about political issues; and value orientations, meaning judgments about political issues.The research on political culture evaluates four criteria: (1) How much does a person know about the nation, the political system in its general sense, history, size and position, power, the characteristics of the constitution and things like these? What are the characteristics ofhis emotions? What are his more or less noticed beliefs and judgments about them? (2) What knowledge does he have about the constructions and roles of different political elites and the proposed political policies that exist in the emerging policy-making process? What are his feelings and beliefs about these constructions, leaders and proposed political policies? (3) What knowledge does it have about the downstream flow of policy implementation, structures, people, and decisions involved in these processes? What are his feelings and beliefs about them? (4) How does he identify himself as a member of the political system? What does it know about the rights, powers, obligations and strategies related to access to the point of influence?Discuss:Iran's political culture before the revolution was authoritarian, which was rooted in the patrimonial power structure. The Islamic revolution caused a change in the political culture. The most important factors that caused the transformation in Iran's political culture after the revolution are: the change in the power structure from the monarchy to the republic; the number of elected positions (representatives of parliament, leadership experts, presidency, city council, and the like); Holding multiple elections (once a year on average); the growth of civil parties and institutions; The formation of the public sphere that has enabled dialogue between citizens and elites (especially with the emergence of social networks that have provided a good technological tool for criticism and dialogue). Therefore, with the change in the political culture of Iranian society, the possibility of returning and restoring the monarchy has been lost forever. Therefore, the media actions of royalists for the project of reviving the monarchy could not be successful in principle due to the change of social contexts. Therefore, actions such as media campaigns; Campaign no to mandatory hijab; And the I advocate hashtag basically failed. The media war to overcome the discourse of the Islamic revolution could not be successful, because the political culture of the society was no longer receptive to the monarchy.

Political culture determines the emotional-cognitive basis of how citizens relate to the government. The authoritarian culture of the Pahlavi era, which was the legacy of long centuries of oppressive monarchies in Iran, had created a vertical and authoritarian power structure that did not allow the society to act and participate in politics. This construction of power followed politics in a closed circle and basically promoted a limited political culture. The Islamic revolution changed the political culture of Iran. With the transformation in the political culture, the possibility of reviving the monarchy was lost forever. For this reason, the project of reviving the monarchy, which was followed by the tactic of media diplomacy, could not be successful, because basically the social platforms are no longer receptive to the monarchy and the construction of authoritarian power.

The study of Iranian temperament has been a wide-ranging subject that is in a sense under cultural studies that emphasize the relationship between political culture and development. In this article, the main question is what are the characteristics and weaknesses of this approach to Iranian temperament? The main question was the hypothesis that all these studies are based on Berkeley and are ethically ignored and generally consider the consequences of moods in terms of their impact on the category of development. They are neither provable nor, if they are true, specific to Iran, and the attributes attributed to Iranians are the product of relations that will have the same consequences wherever they prevail, and are a general phenomenon in any society within which relations exist. Are caught.specific to Iran, and the attributes attributed to Iranians are the product of relations that will have the same consequences wherever they prevail, and are a general phenomenon in any society within which relations exist. Are caught.

Political apathy refers to someone’s disinterest, reluctance, and passivity towards political participation. The present research aimed to investigate the factors that contributed to political apathy during the period 2001–2022. To accomplish this, the study employed a meta-analysis approach to synthesize the results of scattered experimental studies and answer the question of what factors influenced political apathy and to what extent they explained it. Materials and Methods This study employed a quantitative meta-analysis approach to identify and categorize studies related to the factors influencing political apathy during 2001–2022. The statistical population comprised 23 research documents, from which 11 documents were selected based on the criteria such as method, validity, reliability, and scientific findings. The selection criteria included method, sample size, correlation coefficients, significance level, statistical population, and year of publication. Having been analyzed in terms of correlation coefficients, sample size, and significance level, the selected studies were entered into Comprehensive Meta-Analysis 2 software, and the final effect size of each research study was estimated. The funnel plot and Q-test were used to determine the homogeneity or heterogeneity. After confirming heterogeneity between the studies, the article used a moderating variable to explain the factors affecting political apathy in the period. The current research employed specific criteria to select the relevant studies for analysis, including: Specific subject area: The research must have examined the factors influencing political apathy, either as the primary or ancillary objective. Specific geographical location: Only scientific–research articles and theses conducted in Iran were examined in this study.

Only quantitative studies were selected for analysis since meta-analysis focuses on quantitative research. Research validity: Given the fact that the validity of any meta-analysis depends on the validity of the studies analyzed, the present research selected the relevant studies based on their validity and reliability which were ensured through strict evaluation criteria such as validity and reliability reports. Clarity of statistical

In line with the protocols of meta-analysis, the studies were selected based on the accurate and correct reporting of statistical findings, as well as their compliance with the assumptions of statistical tests and input criteria of the software. The research studies on the factors influencing political apathy were selected based on the above criteria, which indicates the use of a purposeful sampling method. As a result, 23 research documents were selected for analysis in the current research. Results and Discussion The study revealed a significant and positive relationship between political, social, cultural, economic, and demographic factors and political apathy. Political factors such as political distrust, dissatisfaction, alienation, lack of citizenship rights, anomie, and low political culture were found to be closely associated with political apathy. Social factors, including social anomie, commitment, health, national identity, low social vitality, organizational and occupational identity, lack of social transparency, feeling of social injustice, lawlessness, and low quality of life, were also found to contribute to political apathy. Cultural factors such as domestic media consumption, the level of religiosity, social and satellite networks, cultural anomie, and individualism were identified as influencing political apathy. Concerning economic factors, economic capital, relative deprivation, unemployment, and socio-economic class were found to be associated with political apathy. Finally, demographic factors such as education, place of residence, age, and marital status had a significant relationship with political apathy. Conclusion The study concluded that political apathy is influenced by various economic, political, cultural, and social factors. To prevent the emergence and occurrence of this phenomenon, it is necessary to encourage political participation of citizens in societal affairs by improving their socio-economic status, enhancing self-esteem and sense of efficiency, increasing political and social trust, strengthening religiosity, promoting social justice, and providing greater life satisfaction. Other strategies to increase people’s political participation and prevent political apathy include raising political awareness, fostering hope for future change, ensuring proportional reward for participation, promoting social satisfaction and sense of effectiveness, cultivating citizens’ optimism about the future, increasing political and economic efficiency, strengthening socio-political capital, enhancing political education, empowering citizens, fostering social belonging and individual motivation, promoting accountability of rulers, improving efficiency and effectiveness of institutions and organizations, preventing corruption and political violence, increasing incomes, expanding education, improving social status, building trust in the government, promoting economic development, expanding traditional political culture, and ensuring political and social equality.

With the re-domination of the Taliban over Afghanistan and the fall of the republican system in 2021, this country underwent dramatic changes in various aspects. The changes that went to the core of Afghan society and spread different ideas in the governance system and the public sphere. This research has analyzed the issue of the political culture of this country's society due to the necessity of analyzing the consequences of the re-domination of the Taliban on Afghanistan. The main question of the research is based on what effects the re-establishment of the Taliban has left on the political culture of the Afghan society.To answer this question, Almond and Verba's political culture theory was used and components such as political violence and authoritarianism, xenophobia and xenophobia, ethnic and tribal political culture, dogmatism and absolutism, mistrust of the government and lack of passivity and lack of Participation and evasion were considered.According to the hypothesis of the research, all elements of the political culture of Afghan society have been weakened and regressed during the Taliban period. Also, according to the theory of Almond and Verba, the political culture of the Afghan society during the Taliban period is a combination of limited and subservient political culture, and the citizens do not expect any change from the political system, and the government does not create an opportunity for citizens' participation and freedom.

The role of party leaders in socio-political dynamics is one of the most important issues for researchers in political and social sciences. The historical course of developments in Iran shows that the role of elites in Iranian political culture has often been accompanied by a tendency to be personality-oriented and excessive attention to the individual abilities and capabilities of political figures, as well as disregard for the rules and structural requirements governing party activities. Among these, the similarities and differences around the concept of Axial personality in Iranian political parties in the two periods before and after the Islamic Revolution are important. This article, while examining the causes and factors affecting the prevalence of Tendency to personality phenomenon in Iranian parties, tries to answer the question: what are the components of Tendency to personality in Iranian political parties before and after the Islamic Revolution? The present study has investigated the role of influential factors such as the structure of the political system, party structure, party ideology, mass media and the pattern of relations with foreigners in the pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary periods with a comparative qualitative analysis method. The findings show that the components related to each of these factors are different in the political parties of these two periods and Tendency to personality in them has substantial differences.

This research is a qualitative research that was done with a descriptive method. The purpose of this research was to answer the question, what kind of culture is the political culture of the West? The result of which was as follows; The word culture in the meaning that is used today is the result of a historical transformation; Because until the 18th century in the West, culture was used to mean cultivating, protecting and worshiping. But from this century onwards, culture finds its modern meaning; It means the way of life. But with the formation of modern and quasi-modern governments and the democratization of societies, a new form of culture is created, which is called political culture; Because the modern government needed people's participation in various social and political fields to confirm itself. In one definition, political culture can be people's orientation towards political affairs. But with the formation of modern and quasi-modern governments and the democratization of societies, a new form of culture is created, which is called political culture; Because the modern government needed people's participation in various social and political fields to confirm itself. In one definition, political culture can be people's orientation towards political affairs. In general, there are three types of citizens and three types of political culture in Western societies; First. isolated citizen with limited or closed political culture; In this type of political culture, people's orientation towards political goals is extremely weak. Second. indifferent citizen with subservient or passive political culture; In this type of political culture, people cannot have much political efficiency. Third. A committed citizen with a participatory or active political culture: In this type of political culture, people are relatively involved in the development of laws. However, according to the research, there is a significant relationship between the type of society and the type of political culture in the West. In other words, the more cooperative and submissive the society is, the more civil the political culture of that society will be. This is like citizens influencing the political structure and being affected by this structure. Also, there is a significant relationship between the type of citizen and political culture in the West; Because the more competitive the political culture is, the more committed the type of citizen will be; And the more isolated the type of citizen, the more limited the political culture will be.

Understanding the political attitude of university professors is one of the most important issues for political and social planners and even thinkers who are concerned about reforming the country. The present article, inspired by the political typology of Almond and Verba on political culture, examines the political culture of professors at public universities in Mazandaran province. The main research question is; What is the type and amount of participation of professors of Mazandaran public universities? For this purpose, the survey method and selection of the desired samples have been used in accordance with scientific methods, the results of which can be generalized to all professors of public universities in the province. According to the research findings, which were extracted from 310 samples, the perceptual dimension of professors' political culture is more powerful than the emotional and judgmental dimension. From another perspective, the findings show that participatory culture is more widespread than subordinate and limited culture, and professors want active rather than passive participation in political issues. It therefore demands that political and social planners provide the platform for the realization of free-thinking seats.

It is obvious that the political behavior of a nation arises from the political culture of that society, which will determine their destiny, and their current situation is also a sign of the political culture that has been institutionalized in the past generations. This research has been conducted with the aim of investigating the place of political culture in the developments of Afghanistan, from the fall of the Taliban to their re-establishment. The data of this research was conducted through semi-structured interviews with 35 people of Afghan nationality. Interviews have been extracted and analyzed by the method of ground theory, coding, and then their themes. According to the findings of this research, the platform that was formed in the development of an ethnic political culture at all levels of the Afghan society, along with causes such as the weak and corrupt performance of the government and the intervention of factors resulting from the negative performance of political institutions, caused the strategy of the Afghan nation to respond to these conditions. , to express feelings of hatred and despair towards the government, and to lose hope and despair towards the government. The consequence of this process was that Afghanistan still has a long way to go to democracy due to lack of necessary social base and structural weakness. The result of this incorrect procedure was the preparation of the necessary conditions for the re-rule of the Taliban.

The main purpose of the article is to examine the reasons of change and continuity in Russia-U.S. Relations during Putin's fourth term, 2018-2024. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, these relations have been characterized by various fluctuations, including enthusiasm about promoting mutual understanding and collaboration during the dominance of the Euro-Atlantic discourse in the early 1990s, and the heightened tension during the realist discourse led by Putin. The U.S.-Russia relations have been deteriorating as a consequence of the uncertainties and insecurity which have increased due to the international order transition. The 2022 Russo-Ukrainian War, as the greatest challenge in the relations between the United States and Russia in the post-Soviet period, is a clear manifestation of the gloomy situation. Russia considers this conflict to be a proxy war which is only part of the broader U.S. grand strategy to limit Russia’s geopolitical influence by lessening its strategic depth. The West’s support for Ukraine is viewed as a continuation of Washington’s previous attempts—including inciting the color revolutions in the post-Soviet space, gradually infiltrating the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), interfering in Russia's internal affairs, supporting the war in Yugoslavia, NATO's Eastward Expansion, and the establishment of an anti-missile shield — aimed at containing Russia without resorting to direct confrontation. On the other hand, American policymakers who seek to maintain U.S. supremacy in the international system, view Putin's Russia as a challenging and destructive actor that has improved its international position and has been trying to change the regional and global balance of power to the detrimentof Washington by acting as a revisionist force, individually or collectively in collaboration with other members of the international revisionist front.  In  this  context,  the U.S. has adopted the strategy of ‘broad offensive deterrence’ (BOD) against Russia. Out of an abundance of caution, Moscow is pursuing the strategy of ‘active offensive defense’ (AOD) in the hope of reviving and strengthening its great power position. The adoption of these two competing strategies has intensified tension in the bilateral Russia-U.S. relations, and have had repercussions for other states.
The author tries to answer the following research questions: 1. What are the causes of the persistence of  conflict and tension in the U.S.-Russia relations? 2. How has the confrontation between the two strategies of ‘broad offensive deterrence’ (BOD) of the United States and ‘active offensive defense’ (AOD) of Russia led to the escalation of tension in their bilateral relations? Using the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism, the analysis is focused on three inexorable variables (i.e., geopolitical power competition, security, and political culture) in order to find conclusive answers to the two questions. In the research hypothesis, it is argued that the persistence of tension in the U.S.-Russian relations is caused by three tension-generating variables of geopolitical power competition, security, and political culture. The method of qualitative textual analysis of the official documents and previous works on the subject revealed the impact of these variables on the nature of the relations between the two rival powers. The findings show that transformative variables (e.g., the circulation of the elites) had a positive effect on the bilateral relations between the United States and Russia in the short term, but the three above-mentioned factors have caused tension to prevail.
However, Russia and the U.S. will probably continue their cooperation in three issue-areas:  1. Maintaining security and strategic stability in the international system as manifested in their support for the nuclear non-proliferation regime; 2. Confronting certain destabilizing regional challenges, particularly in the Middle East and the CIS; and 3. Dealing with asymmetric security threats such as international terrorism and cyber security. Nevertheless, the failure of the conciliatory approach and the perceived NATO-U.S. belligerent approach to Russia (including the "Reset" project), as well as the continual U.S. aggressive actions against Russian national interest have deepened their mutual mistrust. This perception of the U.S. intentions has been strengthened in Putin's third and fourth terms; and the Kremlin continue to believe inactions, restraint, and disengagement in response to the U.S. actions will not lead to a mutually-advantageous balanced relations. Russian leaders are concerned that a flexible and appeasing attitude towards the U.S. might result in  increasing use of coercive and aggressive foreign policy instruments by Washington. This perception has forced Russia to adopt a posture of resistance and the strategy of ‘extensive aggressive defense’ against the U.S. It is expected to see the continuation of the tense bilateral relations and the situation of mutual mistrust between the two great powers in the medium term.

Good governance refers to achieving the rule of law, transparency, accountability, participation, equality, efficiency, effectiveness, accountability, individual freedom, press freedom, and active civil society. Along with these prerequisites, political culture, and in particular the political culture of the elites, is crucial in institutionalizing the principles of good governance, especially in developing countries. This subject has drawn the attention of certain good governance studies academics in recent decades. The results showed that if the political culture of the elites is democratic or accepts at least some minimal democratic values, it can act as the basis for advancing democracy or political development in the sense of raising political participation and competition. In societies where, for various and complex reasons, the political culture of the elites is anti-participatory in the sense of being anti-democratic, authoritarian political structures and an ideology consistent with it can pose a significant barrier to the advancement of democratic indicators. A political culture that is authoritarian and non-participatory acts as a factor that hinders political development. In contrast, democratic and participatory ideals and attitudes significantly influence a country's political development. This is more evident in emerging nations when elite political culture has a more robust coefficient of determination.

The political culture of any country is formed from the characteristic attitudes of its people towards the major features of the political-social systems that exist within its borders, the nature and essence of the political system, the definition and determination of the powers and rites of government, and the role of individual and collective participation in government. With the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the start of the war imposed by the Iraqi Baath regime, the Islamic Republic of Iran reproduced many indicators of political culture in order to advance its goals. This research seeks to answer the main question, what were the indicators of Iran's political culture in the holy defense. This research has been carried out in a descriptive and analytical way using documentary and library studies. The findings of this research show that the indicators of participation in elections, myth-making, xenophobia, enjoining good and forbidding evil, tolerance and tolerance, supporting the oppressed, seeking martyrdom, issuing revolution, anti-Westernism, waiting for the appearance of Hazrat Qaim (AS), Political mobilization, political parties, security environment, bigotry and imitation, factionalism and organization, and the political agency of the elites have played a significant role in the eight years of holy defense and Iran's passing through this fateful moment in history.

The present study was conducted with the aim of investigating the impact of the third model of Muslim women on political culture. Countless historical evidences show that the issue of Iranian women's political participation has its roots in the religious culture of Shiism, without having anything to do with the women's movement in Europe and the West. The ideology governing the European women's movement was based on feminism and secularism, but these principles did not have a foundation among the women who participated in the constitutional movement as well as the Islamic revolution. Political culture reveals the structures and meaning of the political arena in the same way that culture in general clarifies the correlation of the integration of the life of political culture. The method of this research was discourse analysis with reference to Ayatollah Khamenei's statements based on the opinions of Lakla and Moff. Considering the components of the political culture in Iran, such as the culture of authoritarianism/citizenship, women's political participation has decreased in history. had.

The transition to democracy or even the beginning of the democratization process is affected by various factors that researchers have pointed out based on their theoretical tendencies: modernization, economic situation, external pressure, integration of trust networks in public policy, trust in the government. Institutions have been introduced as effective factors in the transition. Political culture, which is generally based on the link between politics, culture, and especially the influence of culture, beliefs and values in the cultural structure of political societies, is included in this matter. The participation of citizens in political issues and government affairs is very important in the establishment of the system and it requires the active participation of people in their destiny and their society with rational judgment for intervention and be effective in making decisions to achieve national goals and at the same time in determining public policies and how to govern the country. In the last hundred years, Afghanistan has gone through many periods to achieve the rule of law, the right to vote, the enjoyment of civil rights and liberties and the limitation of the powers of rulers and politicians to enact laws and constitutions.Research Question: This research seeks to answer the question that according to the political and cultural conditions of Afghanistan, what factors have hindered the transition to a democratic and participatory political culture?Research Hypothesis: Due to the structural weaknesses and widespread administrative corruption of Afghanistan's previous political system, democracy has had less opportunity to grow and spread in this country.

In this research, due to the researcher's inability to travel to Afghanistan after the Taliban took control of this country, it was not possible to identify a statistically significant population for the survey. Therefore, interviews were conducted with selected individuals by asking a series of questions. The interview consisted of 17 questions and a personal information table. Factors that were important for the interviews included indicators such as gender, religion, ethnicity, literacy level and residence in Afghanistan. Therefore, people were identified who were either living in Afghanistan or recently immigrated from Afghanistan or came to Iran for a trip. After providing necessary infrastructure for conducting the interviews and identifying the selected individuals, the data for this study were collected through semi-structured interviews, the sample size of this study.In this study, through open coding, more than 120 concepts were extracted from meaningful sentences. These concepts were combined in 22 subcategories and 13 main categories and a final core category, "Obstacles to Participatory and Democratic Political Culture in Afghanistan," was extracted from all the main categories.

In this research, the central and fundamental issue that always emerges from the data and to which all other main issues are related is "obstacles to a participatory and democratic political culture in Afghanistan". The central phenomenon of this study explains what obstacles prevent the establishment of a democratic and participatory political culture in Afghanistan. Additionally, because the central phenomenon is constructed from key concepts such as "inefficiency of the national government in the context of historical developments", "weakness of national and local political institutions", "marginalization and elimination of women and political elites in society", "political passivity and disillusionment of people in the shadow of a rent-seeking and independent government", and "lack of political outlook growth and structural and administrative corruption as barriers to democracy", it is called "obstacles to a participatory and democratic political culture in Afghanistan."

The main concern of this research is to identify the structural and mental obstacles that have prevented the democratization of the political system in Afghanistan for years. According to Huntington's action-oriented approach, which focuses on the analysis of factors preventing the transition to democracy, the structure of the non-democratic political system of Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021, with fewer opportunities for political expansion and development within the framework of democracy, can be viewed from the perspective of nationalism. He has analyzed monopolization, administrative corruption and rent-seeking, suppression of political parties and organizations, lack of rule of law, unhealthy and non-transparent elections, and factors of this kind, all of which contribute to the failure to transition to a democratic and participatory political culture in the country. An important point that is constantly visible under the comments of the participants and has been mentioned in the main and sub-categories, is the strong demand of the people to hold safe and transparent elections and of course to emphasize the constructive and effective activities of political institutions. Although the level of political participation in Afghanistan is low due to the above-mentioned reasons, the result of this research points to the lack of development of the desired political attitude of democracy in this country, therefore this does not mean that people feel the need for constructive and decisive participation in their political destiny. They don't have it, except that the maximum demand is to hold safe elections with the presence of candidates from various ethnic and religious spectrums, which will be postponed for the time being when the Taliban comes back to power. Successful democratization in Afghanistan depends on the existence of developed socio-economic structures with the condition of the presence of civil society, the positive role of foreign and international factors and the appropriate democratic model among political elites, which increases the possibility of achieving it. Without any of these elements, democratization will not take place.

The issue of political culture development and identification of the factors and components affecting it is one of the most important issues for researchers in this field. The aim of the current research is to investigate the influence of the political behavior of the managers of the Ministry of Interior on their participatory political culture after the Islamic Revolution. The method of this research, in terms of dealing with quantitative data, and conducting research with the survey method, and collecting data with the questionnaire tool. The statistical population in this research includes the political managers of the Ministry of Interior, based on the collected information, their total number is more than 168 people, and all the required information has been collected from all of them. Therefore, the sample size in this research is equal to the total size of the statistical population of 168 people. In this research, non-random and purposeful sampling was used. In order to measure the validity or reliability of the research tool, face validity was used. The collected data were also analyzed through SPSS software. The results of the research showed that there is a significant relationship between the gender of the respondents and the level of education with participatory political culture, and that there is a significant positive and direct relationship between political behavior and participatory political culture, and political behavior with all aspects of participatory political culture, i.e. cognitive dimension, value dimension. And the perceptual dimension also has a significant positive and direct relationship.

Undoubtedly, one of the basic pillars of the development of any country in general is political development; By reviewing the experience of different countries that have gone through different levels of development in a general sense and political development in particular, it brings observers to some of the background differences in each country and their unique experiences.
Research

Based on this, one of the main bases and fields of these different experiences in the path of development, especially political development, is the difference in the political culture of countries, which is important to examine in this regard. Because with the definition of political culture that will be presented, this phenomenon plays an important role in the individual and social worldviews of societies in looking at issues and acting around them. Based on this, the question that this article tries to answer is, what effects and consequences has Iran's political culture had on the process of political development in contemporary Iran, especially during the Islamic Republic period? In response to this question, the authors' hypothesis is that with the given definition of the variables of this research - political culture and political development - part of the teachings of Iran's political culture has been positively influential in shaping the political developments of contemporary Iranian society, but for To maximize the constructive capacity of political culture in the path of political development of the country, the need to create transformation in political culture is felt. In this regard, the upcoming article is organized in three axes: in the first axis

Under the title of definition of concepts, he expressed the main concepts in his mind, and in the second axis, he explained the basic characteristics of Iran's political culture from the perspective of the author. The experts have discussed and in the third axis

Referring to the evolution of Iran's political culture in recent decades, the obstacles and capacities in it to bring about transformation in the direction of Iran's political development have been explained.

The subject of this article is to investigate the political culture of two categories of reformist and fundamentalist parties in Iran, in order to determine the distance or proximity of the main parties of Iran to the global model of political parties. The main question is, "To what extent does the political culture of the reformist and fundamentalist parties in Iran correspond with the political culture that governs the universal and ideological parties?". The theoretical framework of the research consists of the theory of Almond and Verba in the field of political culture and the theory of Otto Kirschheimer and David Apter in the field of ideological and catch-all parties. The research method is quantitative content analysis. The statistical population includes the videos related to the election debates of the presidential candidates in the seventh, eighth, tenth, eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth periods and documents related to the approvals of the Islamic Council in the sixth, seventh and eleventh periods. The findings show that the reformist parties believe in and are committed to the universal political culture of global parties and are close to the principles of democracy. On the opposite point, the fundamentalist faction, in terms of election slogans, are largely within the framework of catch-all parties, but in the field of action and approval of approvals, like the second generation of parties, i.e., ideological parties, they adhere to their ideological orientation.

War weariness and destruction caused by the intensity of the two World Wars persuaded the Europeans to search for an immediate and lasting solution to bring together the allies and adversaries among the countries of Europe in a regional security arrangement. The European Union (EU) as a symbol of regional unity, cooperation and integration has faced uncertainties and instability over the years. Indeed, Brexit can be seen as the culmination of a wave of secessionist and nationalist tendencies that have challenged European integration now more than ever. The result of the referendum of 23 June of the United Kingdom (UK) sent a great shockwave across the territory covered by the EU. It was predicted that the proposal of Britain''''s withdrawal from the EU would be dismissed by an agreement based on David Cameron''''s four-point plan to renegotiate the terms of Great Britain''''s EU membership, but 52 percent of British voters agreed to the Brexit, and thus ended their country''''s 42-year membership of the European Union.The assumption is that political culture as a part of a shared national identity of a state shape its views on national interest which in turn guide its policy preferences, policymaking, and policy implementation in the various foreign policy issue areas. In this context, our research questions are: How has British political culture influenced its orientations and policies towards the European Union? 2. To what extent will the Brexit affect the UK foreign policy towards the EU in the future? In the research hypothesis, the authors claim that British political culture with its peculiar conservative attribute has adversely affected its European foreign policy, culminating in its withdrawal from the EU. Using the theoretical framework of constructivism, they rely on the method of conceptual content analysis to examine official statements ade by the British leadership and discuss the findings of referendum and public opinion surveys related to Brexit to find answers to the research questions.Britain is one of the victorious countries in the Second World War, has an imperial background and is an island-state located on the periphery of the European continent— all these factors have influenced British politics to this day. The perception of being a powerful country with a rich history has had a significant impact on the foreign policy behaviors of the UK, and consequently has contributed to the unwillingness of British policymakers to commit their country to the ideas and actions which might diminish its role and standing in the international system. Today, as an island nation cut off from the continental Europe, England together with its much smaller overseas territories around the world, represents only a small fragment of a former empire that disintegrated a long time ago, but most British people evidently are unwilling to forget the glory of its past. Accordingly, the UK has not yet completed its process of full decline and has aspiration of somehow regaining its hold on its vast former colonies and dependent territories. It is a contradiction that needs to be examined closely. Its national identity is muddled because of how the British political elites and ordinary citizens view their country’s standing in the world today. They perceive the UK as a greater power than it really is.The results of Brexit referendum indicated that most British public and political elites believed that their country would be in a more favorable position if it were to be less involved in the mainland Europe. As a result, they accepted the Brexit which reflected some kind of self-interested isolationism and a desire to leave Europe''''s problems to the rest of the EU members. Here, selective isolationism refers to a preference to disassociate the UK from the EU crises which might require coordinated policies to deal with unusual situations. Interestingly, this type of isolationism does not include issues related to the Britain’s interests in the Middle East and similar non-European issues which do not impose disproportionate financial burden on the country. Therefore, the UK continues to increase its political power by walking alongside the powerful European players if the collective security arrangement does not limit its freedom of action to pursue its own foreign policy objectives and priorities. British political culture has had a significant impact on the formulation of this country''''s foreign policy towards the EU. However, Brexit does not mean that this former imperial power has abandoned its efforts to reach the position of a great power with the ability to influence world politics.