جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Power » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

International power is considered one of the essential and fundamental components in international politics. In the classical view, power has been analyzed primarily from a hard power perspective. Consequently, governments, politicians, and policymakers have been encouraged to understand and utilize hard power. However, with the examination of soft power and related concepts such as soft overthrow, soft warfare, and soft security, these ideas quickly gained significant attention in the political discourse of various countries, including the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study, employing a descriptive-analytical approach and using library and online resources, seeks to answer the question: What is the analysis of the Islamic Republic of Iran's soft power and its impact on national security? The findings indicate that the most important components of Iran's security in the realm of soft power stem from the dominant values of society, the values of the Islamic Revolution, and soft power in higher-level documents, all of which have a direct relationship with ensuring national security.

The implementation of a containment strategy by the US government against the Islamic Republic of Iran has raised many questions. This paper, using an explanatory research method, aims to briefly examine America's containment strategy under different administrations within the framework of hawks and realist theory. Ultimately, the paper seeks to answer the question: What is Biden's approach towards Iran, and will elements of American containment persist with the revival of the JCPOA during his term? The assumption of this article is that the Biden government views dialogue and negotiation as the best approach to revive the JCPOA.

The research method employed in this study is comparative, and data collection is done through library and documentary research. By exploring the history of US containment strategy against Iran, this research has identified reasons for the continuation of containment efforts during the Biden administration.

The findings of this study are discussed under the following themes:The situation of tension in the Middle East:Biden believes that heightened tension and hostility in the Middle East may lead America's rivals to unite against it.Biden's approach towards the JCPOA:The Biden administration aims to revive the JCPOA to constrain Iran's nuclear program and maintain regional and international balance in favor of itself and its allies.Iran's relations with eastern powers:Biden views China's Belt and Road plan and Iran's strategic cooperation with China and Russia as a threat to America.Iran's position on missiles and regional influence:Even if the JCPOA is revived, there is no indication that Iran will concede to America in the regional and missile development fields. Therefore, it is likely that containment efforts against Iran will continue under the Biden administration.Biden's approach in containing Iran:Biden's goal is to establish a multinational effort for containing Iran, which includes reducing Iran's political influence and weakening its economy.

Analysis:

Theories of hawks, realists, and doves, about Iran are very different. It seems that the views of realists can better explain the continuation of the containment strategy in the Biden period. Realists, for example, have said that what Iran is doing is a better indicator of Iran's future behavior than what Iran is saying. Biden also believes that he should react to Iran's behavior in various fields. While hawks view the Iranian government as uncontrollable due to religious obligations, realists see Iran as weighing costs and benefits in decision-making, rather than acting irrationally. But realists believe that this perception is not consistent with the performance of the Iranian government. In addition to taking into account religious values, Iran also considers the facts and has shown restraint when the risks are high and has retreated in the event of a severe threat. Tehran's decisions are guided by a cost-benefit approach rather than an armed attack. And the idea of Iran as an irrational actor is wrong. Iranian decision-makers are generally reluctant to act quickly.

The results showed that the US containment strategy in the Biden era continues within the framework of the realist stick and carrot policy. In all areas, the United States intends to increase Iran's costs based on the stick and carrot policy. The main pillars of the stick policy are threats and sanctions. But the US strategy of containment against Iran has another part, namely carrots, and based on that, it calls for building trust and resolving problems with Iran through negotiations. The policy of maximum pressure to contain Iran began during the Obama administration, and Trump and Biden are the sole agents of this strategy. Sanctions remain a key tool in America's containment strategy against Iran, with the JCPOA serving as part of a broader effort to contain Iran beyond nuclear concerns.

 As a sec country Iran is dealing with environmental challenges including water crisis. Iran has been confronted with water problem in its history. This problem has been multiple by its neighbor’s water policy; Afghanistan and Turkey.  Policies. The water problem in Iran is caused by the lack of power in the governance system, I call it power disruption. Politics in the most basic narrative is the exercise of power and who gets what, when and how. Planning is also how to turn knowledge into action. This transformation itself is a kind of embodiment of power. Exercising power is a chain that consists of two elements: power and decisions.

Water policy of Iranian government has been analyzed with different approaches and from different perspectives. This article uses a mix approach including analytical, discourse, institutional and historical analysis to elaborate a theory of power in policy cycle. The fundamental mechanism that consolidates policy cycle is power. The lack of power causes disruption in the chains of policy cycle, i.e., disruption in policy making in Iranian water policy.what can organize all these problems in a comprehensive theoretical and methodological framework is the analisis of power. From our point of view, all these problems can be solved under the title of power: from the content power of a policy to the power of design, implementation, feedback and evaluation of water policy. Our effort is to show how power and decision are not formed in water politics, and politics is emptied of its main content: which is power.

The findings of this study are discussed under the following themes: First, the most important disruption in Iranian water policy is the disruption of power, in the sense that, first, there is a conflict of multiple powers, from farmers to industrialists, bureaucrats, rent-seekers, etc. Second, power does not flow from top to bottom in water policy process and its components.Second, decision-making disruption in Iranian water policy suffers from various dimensions: the perspective of the inherent element in collective action; the perspective of deciding what issue should be placed on the agenda of the government; and who should decide. The term “disruption” here confirms the dispersion and lack of public power.

Analysis:

In the analytical framework (MSF) of John Kingdon, the role of a policy entrepreneur is emphasized. In the same way, to transform the decision from one policy stage to another, "political power" is needed to undertake this task. Power here is a set of institutional elements and components that organizes and implements the "decision" and undertakes the task of transferring power. These institutional components of decision-making can include legal, administrative, systemic, group, traditional and even individual procedures. When the stakeholders of the issue, including farmers, industries, environmental NGOs, and the government, are active in all the agenda stages of public policy (from agenda setting to policy formulation, implementation and evaluation) the governance system is formed adequately and in participative manner. Consequentially the governance power is emerged.

“Self-awareness” of the governance problems, “discussion”, and “will” provide the native discursive solution. The pillars of this discourse include the development pillar, the environmental pillar, and the security pillar. Improving general decision-making skills, although technical, but is one of the suitable solutions to overcome the decision disruption in the governance of water policy in Iran."Regional Water Council" can be another solution for overcoming disruption in decision-making in the governance system. This council assembly is a collection of regional stakeholders, expert, and officials. This is a regional parliament consists of representatives of different sectors of peasants, industries, NGOs, social trustees etc.Integrated Water Management, as recommended by the Technical Committee of the Global Water Partnership, is another recommendation of this article, which is a process that involves the coordinated development and management of water, land, and related resources in order to maximize economic and social outcomes and promote well-being in an equitable manner. In order to institutionalize this action, it is possible to form an executive policy secretariat in the relevant ministry, which will follow all the steps until the final realization. This secretariat consists of experts from relevant departments within the Ministry of Energy and representatives of the program organization.

The problem of the current article is to explain the relationship between the two fundamental concepts of power and security, along with its application to the developments of contemporary Iran in two time dimensions before and after the Islamic Revolution, in order to determine the geometry of their evolution. Power and security have at least four cause and effect relationships, means and goals, sometimes synergistic and sometimes negative; Using a native and Quranic framework, the author categorized the ratio of power and security in Iran in five levels (passive power, defensive power, deterrent power, counter-strike power, first link power) in a process and by means of documentation and implication. , has analyzed and explained. The occupation of Iran in the twenties, the seizing and looting of Iranian oil tankers in the thirties, Iran's military dependence on the United States in the forties, and the separation of Bahrain from Iran in the fifties are some of the historical cases that were examined before the revolution and show the power Iran is passive at that time. The sacred defense, the production of Shahab 3 missiles and..., the attack on the American base in Ain al-Assad, and..., the Supreme Leader of the Revolution's fatwa regarding the initial jihad, if expediency requires it, in the period after the revolution have been invoked. The findings of the article show that with the passage of time, the power and as a result of the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran has increased and it has turned from a passive power to the power of the first link.

Modeling the national power using explicit mathematical equations is very difficult. Artificial neural networks can solve complex multi-dimensional problems. In this applied study, The population was professors of the military, social sciences, economics, and geopolitics specialties. The sampling method and the sample size were randomly and 133, respectively. Data collection was done in archive and field methods. The reliability of the questionnaire was 89%. The obtained data were modeled by a multilayer perceptron neural network with nine input parameters including the dimensions of national power, and a response parameter i.e., the national power of the target countries. The 8000 neural network structures were developed by changing the variables of activation function, training function, and the number of neural neurons in the hidden layer. The results showed that the best neural network characterizations were the tansig activation function, LM training function, and 16 neurons in the hidden layer. The efficiency values of the network were MAPE = 0.00071, NRMSE = 0.00006, R2= 1.00000 in the training stage, MAPE = 0.00579, NRMSE = 0.00137, R2= 0.99999 in the test stage and MAPE = 0.00300, NRMSE = 0.00124, R2= 0.99997 in the validation stage. The relative importance of the national power dimensions were military 15%, scientific 13%, territorial 13%, cross-border 12%, social 11%, economic 10%, spatial 10%, political 8%, and cultural 8%. Based on the results, the optimal neural network model could predict the national power of the target countries with very high accuracy.

During the years 1332 to 1357, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi used the method of maintaining political stability through force and repression. Like his father, his regime eventually relied on oil revenues and the military; it was even more heavily dependent on the United States. The main purpose of this article is to study the power of repression and violence in the Pahlavi regime. The data collection method is a qualitative analysis of the type of documentary analysis and the tools of text and fish collection that have been performed using Visio software software. In this article, the violence of the Pahlavi regime is examined in three political, cultural, and social dimensions, and the tools of violence are examined in two categories: intelligence, security, and military. He himself resorted to repression and violence; he used all aspects of political, cultural, and social violence through the military and SAVAK and the Joint Anti-Sabotage Committee to carry out these programs for his own benefit; The second was the victory of the Islamic Revolution

Changes in the international distribution of power create an incentive for strategic changes. With the emergence of emerging powers, international institutions are under pressure to adapt to the new realities of power. Based on the satisfaction of changing actors in power, as well as the hard and soft nature of power transformations, the strategic adaptation of actors takes the nature of power bargaining, strategic partnership, or strategic persuasion. This research tries to examine China's strategies in the Middle East region. To achieve this goal, the research explains China's strategies in the Middle East region with the assumption of power changes and their effect on the actors' strategies. The main hypothesis of the article is that China has adopted a strategy of creative adaptation in the regions with the experience of transformation in its power due to the reformist approach and having hard and soft power, and the Middle East is one of the regions that is in its strategic circle. Therefore, it seems that China's approach in the Middle East region is creative adaptation. On this basis, tries to avoid entering into controversial issues and trying to be active and adaptive in the region with innovative plans such as the Belt and Road and investing in different places.

In order for Iran to have a greater impact on the concepts, views, regional systems, processes, decisions, collective actions of other countries and the way regional and global power is formed, it must have a superior geopolitical weight among other countries in the region. . The main goal of this research is to "examine the existing capacities in order to promote the geopolitical power of the Republic of Iran in the West Asian region (strengths and opportunities)". In this research, the research method is descriptive-analytical with a mixed approach and the type of research is applied-developmental. The statistical population is 50 people and the sample size corresponds to the statistical population and all the numbers have been determined. In addition to sampling library studies and conducting expert interviews, non-parametric descriptive and inferential statistical methods have also been used. From the results of the research, it appears that the existing capacities in the form of 7 major geopolitical components (political-military-science and technology-environmental-social and cultural-geographical-economic) were counted with 40 indicators; 7 of the indicators were removed due to less importance, 22 indicators for strength and 12 indicators for opportunity were obtained in order to promote the geopolitical power of Iran in the West Asian region.

The nature of power and how it is formed in the context of new structures of information production, processing and transmission (including in the context of social networks) is different from the real space, which means that the space of social networks has created a new system of social activism for people. which can ultimately lead to the formation of new poles of power. The current research was conducted with the aim of answering these questions: Has the nature of power in social networks changed? How is the process of power formation in social networks? In response to this question, the formation of social movements under the influence of virtual space was also investigated.The findings of this research show that by accepting the conventional definitions of power, its formation in the network space in a cascade framework and based on the hierarchical levels of actors, from the owners of the Internet infrastructure, to the owners of the platforms and in the next stage to the users (respectively Influence includes: celebrities, influencers, bloggers, official media and finally general users). Also, in the process of forming network power, ownership or the possibility of controlling social networking platforms plays a very important role.

Artificial intelligence is one of the sciences that will have the greatest impact on the world future. In the field of politics and international relations, the effects of AI are not limited to practical matters and will greatly affect the field of theorizing in the future. Among the theories of international relations, the mainstream theories will definitely have the most influence. The main question of this article is how AI has affected the main concepts and concerns of these two macro approaches of international relations theories? The hypothesis of the article is that AI has questioned some of the main propositions of these two theories. A qualitative method with an analytical-explanatory approach was applied for research. The findings show that the theory of realism needs a revision in the definition of the concepts of power, threat, security, balance of power and actors of international relations in the light of AI and new developments. Also, the claims of the theory of liberalism regarding world peace, based on two economic and political dimensions, have faced a serious challenge. In such a way, the validity of the main propositions of the theory of economic liberalism, interdependence and democratic peace has been doubted.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has grappled with the specter of decline and the prospect of losing its status as one of the world's great powers. The increased military engagement between Ukraine and the West indicated that Ukraine (or Ukraine along with NATO) might one day challenge Russia in the foreseeable future. A country that was a buffer country of great strategic importance for Russia, so it took practical action against it. Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, marks the resurgence of war on the European continent and a final attempt to reform the Western-led system that has prevailed since the end of the Cold War. Before this war, Russia used to complain about the world order in its declarations, but with this war, it has practically challenged the world order. Now this question is raised, what are the causes of the war between Russia and Ukraine? Russia's war with Ukraine has caused the emergence and expansion of what concepts in the international order? By expressing the conceptual framework of order in an explanatory way, the expansion of NATO is considered to be the cause of Russia's war with Ukraine, and in line with the definition of the new Russian order, the expansion of the concept of Russkimir, the expansion of the concept of Greater Eurasia in the form of a multi-order world, challenging the concept of liberal order and international laws in It examines the polycentric order

Power, as one of the important components of civil affairs, has generally been the subject of the theoretical reflections of most political and social philosophers; The question of what and how power and its origin and legitimacy have been considered in these theoretical reflections. In this regard, the main question of this research is what is the position of power in Islamic thought and the modern state. For this purpose, this research has compared two thinkers from two different civilizations and times. The hypothesis of the research is that although the concept of power has a significant place in the epistemological system of these two thinkers, the type of approach and the way of conceptual processing is a function of the different thought bases of the two. According to the Platonic-Aristotelian basis of his philosophy, the end of power in Farabi's utopia political system is true happiness, and in the non-ideal political system it is conquest. While for Foucault, power has a social nature and it analyzes the relationships and the network of different social relationships at all levels, rather than being directed towards civil ends; And it also deals with its systematic alternative, resistance. However, in Farabi's thought, a kind of resistance is proposed in the theory of succession, which, although it is negative for him, can be read in the context of a critical reading approach. The method of interpretative research and data collection was library and documentary.

With the acceleration of the development of urbanization in the world, urbanization surpassed urban planning and various problems and troubles plagued the cities. In this regard, the urban planning system could not prevent the increasing trend of urban problems. One of these problems is the formation of gray spaces in cities. the current study is a research and applied type and its method is descriptive and analytical, and data collection is also done in the library and field, the case study of Koi Dizaj Hamedan, and qualitative method was used to analyze the data.The result of this research indicates that urban spaces are not developed based on the plans and predictions of urban planners and designers, but are formed under the influence of power and capital relations and are formed based on informal processes and actions from the bottom up. that instead of solutions such as eviction, demolition, etc., by using community-oriented planning and increasing the voluntary role of people and by using social capital and the participation of residents, some of the problems of urban gray spaces can be reduced and these spaces can be used for It made the inhabitants livable.

The type of defense attitude of the leaders of each society forms the infrastructure of that society's defense policy. The Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, as the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, has recognized the existence of a large and strong population as a determining factor for increasing deterrence against threats to the country's national security in the framework of the smart defense strategy.Since the reduction of the population with the disruption in human resources as one of the factors that make up the component of national power makes it difficult to protect the religion and territorial integrity of the country in the event of an attack by ill-wishers and enemies, in this study, an attempt has been made with the method of content analysis. , the fields of recognizing the centrality of the population factor in the country's defense policy should be investigated by the Supreme Leader. The result of this research shows the neutralization of the sinister conspiracy of global arrogance to reduce Iran's defense power through the implementation of the creeping policy of population reduction, the necessity of persistence on the implementation of family consolidation policies and increasing fertility in the country and pursuing support programs to increase childbearing in order to implement the strategy. The intelligent defense of the Supreme Leader doubles the defense power of the country.

It is obvious that the political behavior of a nation arises from the political culture of that society, which will determine their destiny, and their current situation is also a sign of the political culture that has been institutionalized in the past generations. This research has been conducted with the aim of investigating the place of political culture in the developments of Afghanistan, from the fall of the Taliban to their re-establishment. The data of this research was conducted through semi-structured interviews with 35 people of Afghan nationality. Interviews have been extracted and analyzed by the method of ground theory, coding, and then their themes. According to the findings of this research, the platform that was formed in the development of an ethnic political culture at all levels of the Afghan society, along with causes such as the weak and corrupt performance of the government and the intervention of factors resulting from the negative performance of political institutions, caused the strategy of the Afghan nation to respond to these conditions. , to express feelings of hatred and despair towards the government, and to lose hope and despair towards the government. The consequence of this process was that Afghanistan still has a long way to go to democracy due to lack of necessary social base and structural weakness. The result of this incorrect procedure was the preparation of the necessary conditions for the re-rule of the Taliban.

Introduction :

 The information revolution has significantly altered the nature of power by enhancing the capacity of soft power and reshaping the very foundations of power structures. In the past, leaders and politicians were the primary figures to determine national interests in each nation, but in the digital age, the Internet and social networks have functioned to eliminate the mediatorship, leading to the highlighted role of the individual, the emergence of public opinions, and distribution of power from the government to people and other key actors. Today, power derived from public opinions is considered by political actors as a potent instrument for accomplishing political objectives.Iran’s Twenty-Year Vision Document, looking ahead to 2025, outlines a comprehensive objective of the Islamic Republic of Iran as to attain a preeminent economic and technological position in the region while preserving its Islamic and revolutionary identity, being a source of inspiration in the Islamic world, and engaging in a constructive interaction in international relations. To secure the top economic position in the region and an influential position in the international arena, it is imperative to leverage the capabilities of the country’s diplomatic apparatus. Diplomacy serves as the executive arm of foreign policy within the framework of a country’s foreign policy doctrine. To thrive in the evolving global landscape requires possessing modern tools since the shifting global landscape demands novel tools and approaches. In today’s world, powerful governments employ soft power instruments to influence and sway societies.Diplomacy stands as one of the most critical tools for advancing a country’s national power and achieving its objectives. Leading governments have embraced digital diplomacy as a means to bolster their national brand and effectively manage their public image, thus reaching vast audiences. In the contemporary age of communication, a formidable presence on the global stage necessitates the strategic implementation of digital diplomacy, positioning it at the forefront ofa country’s public diplomacy initiatives. In this respect, the present research aimed to recognize the role of digital diplomacy as a pivotalpower-building instrument, and to incorporate it into Iran’s strategic planning.This research intended to offer a full-brown description of digital diplomacy by delving into the power-building factors of modern media. The objective was to formulate effective strategies that enhance the digital diplomacy initiatives of the Islamic Republic of Iran, thereby strengthening Iran’s influential presence in global politics and increasing Iran’s soft power as an important dimension of power. The research tried to address the pivotal question concerning the role modern media can assume within a country’s diplomatic apparatus. This would involve understanding how media can contribute to advancing national interests and bolstering a country’s influence and authority in the international arena. This research also sought to propose key indicators and strategies for advancing Iran’s digital diplomacy initiatives.

Literature Review:

Numerous case studies and comparative analyses have explored digital diplomacy, underscoring the significant impact of social media in international diplomacy. However, despite the close interconnection of technology, diplomacy, and soft power, there is a lack of research that systematically situates these three domains within a theoretical framework and examines international relations theories by considering the role of modern media on the power-building capacity of diplomacy.In the article titled “Shaping Public Diplomacy through Social Media Networks in the 21st Century,” Costa (2017) posits that the Internet and information and communication technology have significantly influenced the definition and performance of public diplomacy. In “Foreign Policy in an Era of Digital Diplomacy,”Adesina (2017) draws the conclusion that digital diplomacy and internet-based activities play a vital role in effectively communicating a government’s foreign policy stances to both domestic and international audiences.  In the article titled “Twitplomacy: Social Media as a New Platform for Development of Public Diplomacy,” Su (2015) argues that the impact of Internet users on the diplomatic agenda can complement political concepts. Considering the role of social media in the public diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Ameli (2017) asserts that emerging social media technologies will play a central role in diplomacy by influencing social space.Ganjidoust (2008) focuses on the profound impact of information and communication technology in the field of diplomacy. The author contends that diplomacy has experienced greater influence from technological advancements compared to other domains, primarily because of its heavy reliance on the fundamental components of information and communication. According to Ganjidoust, the developments of the information age have brought about significant transformations in both the form and substance of diplomacy.

The Delphi technique was employed for identifying indicators, while the Dimetal technique was utilized for modeling. The study used Partial Least Squares technique to test the exploratory model and analyze the reciprocal influence between variables.

The findings revealed that modern media plays a pivotal role as a complete mediator in the transfer of power to diplomacy. Through online communication, new media platforms foster interaction and networking among users. They employ activism, imagery, and psychological operations to craft their desired narrative, thus reinforce user engagement and convergence through orienting and streamlining, Ultimately, by fostering a sense of belonging, they establish identity and create opportunities within the system of diplomacy.To succeed in public diplomacy, particularly in the realm of digital diplomacy, requires a comprehensive strategy encompassing strategic goals, strategic priorities, and executive guidelines to attain the strategic goals. Concerning the Islamic Republic of Iran, the strategic goals are as follows: Making a powerful image of Iran, national branding of Iranian–Islamic identity, informing people about the policies, beliefs, and values of Iranians, and introducing opportunities and strengths. The strategic priorities of the digital diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran include Interacting with citizens and foreign populations to foster and enhance mutual relations, providing transparent information and swift responses to counter misinformation, combating online hooliganism, presenting leadership guidelines, and engaging in social listening and social monitoring. Without a thorough analysis and practical solutions to this question, it is not possible to address the needs of audience satisfactorily. The assessment of attitudes, questions, and challenges is the most critical aspect which guides the subsequent actions. Concerning interaction, it is recommended to interact with influencers, as well as political, religious, cultural, and national figures, to clarify ambiguities and foster constructive dialogues through the dissemination of pre-prepared images, messages, and video clips. Moreover, regular evaluation of the outcomes on the basis of a theory of structures and processes can help ensure the effectiveness of digital diplomacy and coordination.

The subject of this article is the basis of political power. In any society, political power is an established matter in its civil domain and undoubtedly needs a foundation. The main question of this research is what is the basis of political power in Imami jurisprudence and Imam Khomeini's political thought and what indicators and criteria does it have. At first, this research has studied and investigated the basis of political power. Then he followed this concept in the theoretical literature of Imami jurisprudence. Further, by examining the theoretical system of Imam Khomeini's political thought, he has shown what importance this basic and central concept had in his political discourse. Then, by making several indicators and criteria, he has compared and equated these two intellectual devices with each other. This research has reached the conclusions that political power in Imam Khomeini's thought has a dual and mixed basis, in which there are not only elements of divine sovereignty, but also elements of low-to-high power theories. On the other hand, this dual and combined basis has been able to respond to the requirements of the modern world while preserving tradition and adhering to the pillars of traditional jurisprudence. The research method is comparative and the data collection method is documentary and library.

According to Joseph Nye, as the creator of the theory and concept of soft power, measuring and evaluating the efficiency and effectiveness of power is a necessary thing for its practitioners. This is despite the fact that soft power is a relatively fluid concept and therefore there are different frameworks to measure it. Despite the importance of soft power in international relations, how to measure it is difficult because its indicators are variable and due to the subjective nature of some indicators, it is difficult to measure them. Therefore, considering the problems that exist regarding how to measure the soft power of countries, this article seeks to answer the question, what are the most important methods and indicators for measuring soft power? To answer this question, qualitative methodology and content analysis of existing texts and sources regarding soft power have been used.
The results showed that in a general summary, soft power measurement indicators can be classified into three main groups including feelings/emotions, impressions/opinions and behaviors, and for each of these three groups and according to the available data, different methods can be used.

Irony is one of the constitutive concepts in Richard Rorty’s pragmatism. The ironist is his ideal type of the person: self-creative and self-conscious, aware of his own contingency, anti-foundationalist, and always ready to revise his account of the self and the world radically. Michel Foucault, on the other hand, is concerned with the concept parrhesia. Parrhesiastes is a type of person comparable to the ironist. Hence, the main question in this paper is: what are the similarities and differences between the Rorty’s ironist and Foucault’s parrhesiastes. We will see that while the ironist is keen to confine irony to the private realm, in order not to humiliate anybody, the parrhesiastes has no reluctance to go beyond the limits of the private, and to speak the truth. He does not avoid the risk of saying the truth to those in power even at the cost of his life, while the former is more cautious. Self-creation and autonomy is shared between the two types of personalities. Socrates is the embodiment of both personalities. He is praised as an ironist as well as a parrhesiastes.

National power has been the subject of attention of geographers, geopoliticians, political science and international relations specialists, strategists and politicians, and each has tried to find a way to measure it. In terms of type, this research is applied-developmental and in terms of method, it is a case-based research; However, in addition to the case-contextual method, in order to perform qualitative analysis, two methods of document review and scientific documents with a contextual approach and content analysis method with both in-depth and broad approaches have been used. Examining the results of the research shows that the model of measuring and balancing national power, which was prepared according to the native characteristics of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the possibility of using it in other countries, has many capabilities and advantages compared to most of the existing models of measuring national power. has it . This model does not rely only on the hard side of power and pays attention to all its aspects, including soft and intelligent power in addition to hard power, and in addition to the national level of power, it also deals with the subnational and transnational levels. Paying attention to all the dimensions of power and even adding new dimensions such as the cultural-ideological and communication-information dimension is one of the advantages of this model both in the theoretical and practical fields. The diversity and breadth of variables and indicators of this model should not be overlooked while paying attention to the theoretical coherence. Most of the national power measurement models only seek to obtain the power rating of the countries and do not pay attention to balancing and analyzing the gap between the dimensions, variables and indicators of the national power of a country or countries with each other; While the model considered in this research has a privileged position from other existing models due to the simultaneous and complementary attention to measurement, alignment and analysis of the power gap together .