جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Relative deprivation » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Political apathy refers to someone’s disinterest, reluctance, and passivity towards political participation. The present research aimed to investigate the factors that contributed to political apathy during the period 2001–2022. To accomplish this, the study employed a meta-analysis approach to synthesize the results of scattered experimental studies and answer the question of what factors influenced political apathy and to what extent they explained it. Materials and Methods This study employed a quantitative meta-analysis approach to identify and categorize studies related to the factors influencing political apathy during 2001–2022. The statistical population comprised 23 research documents, from which 11 documents were selected based on the criteria such as method, validity, reliability, and scientific findings. The selection criteria included method, sample size, correlation coefficients, significance level, statistical population, and year of publication. Having been analyzed in terms of correlation coefficients, sample size, and significance level, the selected studies were entered into Comprehensive Meta-Analysis 2 software, and the final effect size of each research study was estimated. The funnel plot and Q-test were used to determine the homogeneity or heterogeneity. After confirming heterogeneity between the studies, the article used a moderating variable to explain the factors affecting political apathy in the period. The current research employed specific criteria to select the relevant studies for analysis, including: Specific subject area: The research must have examined the factors influencing political apathy, either as the primary or ancillary objective. Specific geographical location: Only scientific–research articles and theses conducted in Iran were examined in this study.

Only quantitative studies were selected for analysis since meta-analysis focuses on quantitative research. Research validity: Given the fact that the validity of any meta-analysis depends on the validity of the studies analyzed, the present research selected the relevant studies based on their validity and reliability which were ensured through strict evaluation criteria such as validity and reliability reports. Clarity of statistical

In line with the protocols of meta-analysis, the studies were selected based on the accurate and correct reporting of statistical findings, as well as their compliance with the assumptions of statistical tests and input criteria of the software. The research studies on the factors influencing political apathy were selected based on the above criteria, which indicates the use of a purposeful sampling method. As a result, 23 research documents were selected for analysis in the current research. Results and Discussion The study revealed a significant and positive relationship between political, social, cultural, economic, and demographic factors and political apathy. Political factors such as political distrust, dissatisfaction, alienation, lack of citizenship rights, anomie, and low political culture were found to be closely associated with political apathy. Social factors, including social anomie, commitment, health, national identity, low social vitality, organizational and occupational identity, lack of social transparency, feeling of social injustice, lawlessness, and low quality of life, were also found to contribute to political apathy. Cultural factors such as domestic media consumption, the level of religiosity, social and satellite networks, cultural anomie, and individualism were identified as influencing political apathy. Concerning economic factors, economic capital, relative deprivation, unemployment, and socio-economic class were found to be associated with political apathy. Finally, demographic factors such as education, place of residence, age, and marital status had a significant relationship with political apathy. Conclusion The study concluded that political apathy is influenced by various economic, political, cultural, and social factors. To prevent the emergence and occurrence of this phenomenon, it is necessary to encourage political participation of citizens in societal affairs by improving their socio-economic status, enhancing self-esteem and sense of efficiency, increasing political and social trust, strengthening religiosity, promoting social justice, and providing greater life satisfaction. Other strategies to increase people’s political participation and prevent political apathy include raising political awareness, fostering hope for future change, ensuring proportional reward for participation, promoting social satisfaction and sense of effectiveness, cultivating citizens’ optimism about the future, increasing political and economic efficiency, strengthening socio-political capital, enhancing political education, empowering citizens, fostering social belonging and individual motivation, promoting accountability of rulers, improving efficiency and effectiveness of institutions and organizations, preventing corruption and political violence, increasing incomes, expanding education, improving social status, building trust in the government, promoting economic development, expanding traditional political culture, and ensuring political and social equality.

The Islamic Republic of Iran got indulged in so many riots and turbulences from the time of its establishment. Among others, the riots and turbulences of the autumns 1401 was somehow different from the previous ones in the aspects such as its atmosphere, arrangement, typology, participation of social classes, its domain and more generally in its essence and form. Based on this fact, we want to answer this question: What are the effective factors in outbreak of those riots and turbulences of autumn 1401? In answering this question, this hypothesis is mentioned, thought this one has cultural and psychological backgrounds, but the contextual factors had their roles in the areas such as politic, economic and geography and accelerated that process. The findings of this have been arranged by a descriptive-analytic method and relative deprivation theory and indicate that the riots and turbulences after Islamic Revolution include one of political, economic and cultural forms in its typological aspects. But, the turbulences and riots of autumn 1401 the mixture of cultural, political and psychological factors such as social analogy and unrealized expectancy, issues of women, considerable deployment of virtual actuality as well as the other factors such as impossibility of holding a peaceful gathering, the differences between generations, races and genders, vulnerability of the economics, the erroneous official process, the recent marine tensions, unsecured geopolitics of Iran and the campaign of maximum pressure paved the way for appearance of those turbulences and riots

Violence is one of the anomalies in the social and political interactions of the society, which, in addition to disrupting the peace and order of the society, has many security consequences for the country, and Iranian society is no exception to this rule. The creation of violence in social and political interactions has many reasons and roots, one of the most important reasons for the tendency to violence is the relative deprivation of society members. The current research seeks to analyze the causes and different forms of violence in the social and political interactions of Iranian society (protests of the fall of 1401) using the theory of relative deprivation. Therefore, the research question will be as follows; What is the reason and root of the trend of social and political interactions in Iranian society towards violence? The hypothesis that is proposed to answer the above question is; The members of Iranian society, especially the youth, feel that according to their abilities and rights (haves and ares), their expectations and expectations (wants and shoulds) are not met and they face political and social exclusions, so they tend to violence to assert their rights. they find The present article was written using analytical-descriptive method and using library and internet data.

The Middle East region, with its special geopolitical position, has always been important for the great powers, and the countries of this region have also continuously provided the cradle of important regional crises and conflicts. Syria, as a Middle East actor and a special strategic position that is considered a sensitive point in the connection of the three continents of Asia, Europe and Africa, with a special internal situation, including ethnic, racial and religious diversity, makes this country prone to crises. ethnic, religious and racial, and the smallest political instability in this country will end in a huge crisis.This research, using the analytical descriptive method, seeks to answer the question, what were the foundations of the crisis in Syria? In response to this question, the hypothesis has been investigated that the different distribution of political power and economic resources in the minority and majority sectors. Syrian society has caused a conflict which is analyzed based on the theoretical framework of relative deprivation.

The growing trend of Apathy political has challenged most of the political systems of the contemporary world to such an extent that they have inevitably undertaken a serious investigation of the conditions that created it. In this regard, the present study has sociologically explained the social determinants (social justice, relative deprivation, political distrust) of Apathy political. This research is quantitative type, in terms of fundamental purpose and in terms of survey method. The statistical population of the study included 431288 young people 18 to 29 years old living in Kermanshah in 1400. Using Cochran's formula and cluster sampling method, data were collected through the distribution of 400 researcher-made questionnaires. Structural equation model and Amos software were used to test effect of social determinants on Apathy political in the form of an experimental model. Findings showed that the rate of Apathy of the studied youth was (80.82) percent, which was higher than average. Also, according to the results of affirmative factor analysis test, social justice with factor Load (0.71), relative deprivation with factor Load (0.68) and political distrust with factor Load (0.55) while having a significant effect on Apathy political, In total, explained 52% of the changes as Apathy political.

The Alawite movement of Tabarestan is of special importance in the long history of Iran; Because ideologically, a Shiite government was formed for the first time in Iran, and this is contrary to the political conditions of that time. The people of this land have played an important role in the emergence and consolidation of this movement in the Tabarestan region. The reason for this cooperation should be considered to be due to various reasons, including partial deprivations. Ted Robertgar has conducted studies in the field of social issues that have resulted in the theory of relative deprivation. This theory deals with the nature of political movements and revolutions. Robert emphasizes the principle that the existence of various obstacles to the goals of the masses causes these protest uprisings. In the present study, citing library sources and descriptive-analytical method, the nature and obstacles related to the Alawite movement in Tabarestan have been explored with an approach to Robert Theory of relative deprivation theory. The results of the research show that components such as: failure of the caliphate and its agents in discussing value ability; Relative deprivation of the people and political violence; Protests of injustice and unequal distribution of resources have affected the whole uprising. Also, the most important physical obstacle to the non-fulfillment of the demands of the people of this region has been the coercive and hard

The US and its allies attacked Iraq and the bloody Syrian events after the Arab revolutions in 2011 provided the basis for the formation of the ISIL terrorist group.ISIL's fast-paced, rapid growth and its distinctive features, especially the joining of individuals of different nationalities, have attracted many thoughts on why and how it is shaped.In this paper, we try to look at the sociological and documentary methods for the formation of this group.The article's claim is that the identity crisis that ISIS faced in communities and in its previous experience, along with the formation and establishment of an identity-based discourse in the form of an Islamic state, has played a major role in the formation of the ISIS with the strategy of global jihad.Identity crisis, mainly due to globalization and deprivation.The relative success of the ISIL group in the identification of Salafist-Takfiri discourse has created a powerful magnetic field to attract and identity to those who have been facing a crisis of identity.

The present research has been conducted with the aim of investigating the tendency of 18-29-year-old youth in Rasht city to political violence and emphasizing the occurrence and emergence of violent behavior and its intensity. In order to formulate the theoretical framework of the research, Ted Robert gar theories and Johnson's value-system theory have been used. The current research method was quantitative and survey technique. In order to collect research data, a questionnaire was used. The statistical population of the research includes all young people aged 18 to 29 living in the urban areas of Rasht, and in order to determine the size of the statistical sample, 384 of the total 146,754 members of the statistical population were selected through Cochran's formula. In the present research, sampling was done by multi-stage cluster method. For data analysis, descriptive statistics and considering the normality of data distribution, parametric tests, path analysis and SPSS software were used. The obtained data showed that feeling of discrimination, use of media, awareness Political and socio-economic base affects the tendency to political violence. In addition, 31./% of the dependent variable changes are explained by the aforementioned variable

Political participation refers to the political behavior of citizens that manifests itself in general elections. The Islamic Republic of Iran has started political development and participation since 2006 with a referendum, and this shows the intelligence and political culture of Iranians in different electoral periods until the 1400 elections (13th government). The long history of political and social participation of Iranians in the formation of baneh, common, election of Dehban, Kadkhoda, Darogheh and customary (traditional) representatives is evident and the first manifestation of official participation in the Qajar period was the concept of constitutionalism. Accordingly, Iranian society has a culture of political development. The important question of this research is to understand the pattern of Iranian political participation during the Islamic Republic by referring to the surveys from 2005 to 2009. The research method is meta-analysis and cma2 software analysis method. The statistical population includes 104 published research documents. By deliberate (non-probabilistic) sampling method, 70 studies were selected as the statistical population in the period 1384 to 1398 by controlling the validity, validity and quality of the document. The results show that political participation is at a high level (29%), medium (36%), low (35%) and also between social factors (0.202), political (0.141), economic (0.181). ), Cultural (0.139) and psychological (0.259) There is a significant relationship with political participation. Finally, the size of the overall effect of the research is equal to 0.355 (high level).

The beginning of the Islamic Awakening movements with emphasis on the reaction paradigm caused systemic crises in the political, economic, cultural and social order in the Middle East. Basically, one of the countries that has changed and emerged from the crisis due to the recent developments in North Africa and the Middle East due to the Islamic Awakening. In this country, due to a series of accumulated challenges and demands, which is manifested in the form of relative deprivation, it entered into a pervasive security dilemma that left the country's decision-making system in crisis. Now, the question arises that in re-reading the phenomenon of Islamic awakening in a reactionary narrative centered on the issue of relative deprivation, how was this issue effective as a catalyst in the emergence of fundamentalist groups such as Jabhat al-Nusra? (Introduction). Descriptive-analytical method and using the theory of relative deprivation as a subset of reactive paradigms (Method), This hypothesis that the inability of the ruling system as a decision-making variable in Syria due to its inability to respond to social demands has paved the way for fundamentalist groups to pursue a policy of violence. (Hypothesis). Finally, with the rise of the Nusra Front, Syria's socio-political structure entered a pervasive security crisis that essentially led to de-security and challenged the country's dominant order. (Results).

The Feeling of relative deprivation in Iranian tribes and methods to Decrease deprivation An Investigation into the Thought of Contemporary Qashqai PoetsAbstract:This research was conducted with the aim how Reflection of the relative deprivation in the poems of contemporary poets of Qashqai. in this study, Robert Gore's theory is used only as a guide and evidence. It was also revealed that the content analysis of the poems of these poets, which not only has relative deprivation in the Qashqai people, but also the Qashqai poets, has addressed this issue in their poems. n addition, it was found that the poets' perceptions and approaches to the issue of deprivation were not the same, including: Protesting revolutionary struggle with the source of deprivation, or accepting and dealing with the phenomenon of deprivation as a natural affair, or resorting to supernatural powers and divine relief. After discovering and categorizing the categories, ways to reduce deprivation were also suggested.Keywords: Literature,Content Analysis,Contemporary Poets,Qashqai People,Relative Deprivation

The present article is devoted to the study of the distributive special function of the Pahlavi political system in creating public dissatisfaction and shaping the revolutionary situation in Iran. A feature that is related to the distribution of values and scarce resources at the community level. In this article, documentary and library-based technique have been used to collect data and qualitative analysis method has been used to analyze them. In terms of nature, this research is descriptive-historical. The research hypothesis and findings of the article are as follows: the regime`s distribution model of sources and values in the fields of economy, policy and social dignity led to an unjust distribution of sources and values and following it caused a gap of exploitation and dissatisfaction and ultimately led to the rise of deprived, marginalized and oppressed groups and classes against the distributional pattern of the Pahlavi political system and, therefore, to the Islamic Revolution of Iran.

Due to strategic historical conditions, Iranian society has always been a gathering place for various tribal groups (sometimes confrontation and sometimes interaction). In fact, cultural heterogeneity is an integral feature of the land of Iran historically, and according to the geographical structure, ethnic groups (Turks, Baluchis, Arabs, Persians, Kurds, Lors, etc.) have their own cultural beliefs, and this belief plays an important and decisive role. In social actions (electoral or non-electoral). Accordingly, the present study intends to examine the effect of tribal structure on citizens' electoral response.The method of the present study is quantitative meta-analysis using cma2 software. The statistical population of the study consists of 35 cases related to the research topic and indexed in the scientific databases of Jihad Daneshgahi, Normagz, journals and publications, which intentionally and non-randomly selected 23 documents as a final sample considering the methodological, theoretical and experimental validity. Were.The results show that high level tribal affiliation (0.451), mass media consumption (0.235), social capital (0.314), socio-political awareness (0.263), community elites (0.342), ethnic-local identity (0.215) At the intermediate level and level of education (0.199), emotional action (0.123), feeling of relative deprivation (0.184) had a significant effect on electoral response and finally, the overall effect of the research was equal to 0.195.

Although the roots of modern racism date back to the nineteenth century to the theories of Kenneth Dogobino, in many developed industrial societies today the concept does not establish the superiority of one ethnic group over another, but evokes the concept of control. In other words, the main reason for the racist actions of the majority is the fear of the minority gaining power. Meanwhile, the United States has a long history of racism. The main racist structures in the United States include slavery, racial segregation, and Separate schools for Indians, and large camps for the detention of foreign asylum seekers. This article seeks to answer this question: What are the most important challenges for blacks in the United States, especially since Donald Trump's presidency? And what are the main consequences? The findings by using Gurr's theory (relative deprivation) and Hechter's internal colonialismand the method of historical sociology (research method) show that the political, economic, civil, and security deprivations of blacks in the United States. The consequences of this at the micro level, including deepening the rift between the nation-state, the formation of extremist black movements in the United States and the fall into the Republicans, and at the macro level, can change the geometry of power, independence and separation of some states and intensify insecurity.

Social tolerance is one of the most important needs of multicultural and multi-ethnic societies. Social in tolerance is just as important, and if it increases in society, it can cause many problems. In this regard, the present study aims to investigate the sociological relationship between the feeling of social security and social inequality in Tehran. Its method is q and its statistical population is all citizens over 18 years of age in Tehran. The study sample is 768 people, which has been estimated based on the Cochran's sample size determination formula and the required data have been collected through a researcher-made questionnaire. Of the respondents, 49.4% are men and 50.6% are women. The findings show that there is no significant relationship between income and social inefficiency, and this variable is unable to predict changes in social inefficiency. But the relationship between age and education variables and social inequality is significant. There is also a significant relationship between the feeling of social security, the feeling of relative deprivation, the feeling of anomie and the social intolerance of the citizens of Tehran.

Undoubtedly, the Islamic Revolution of Iran has been the greatest revolution of the twentieth century, which has been able to have a wide range of effects both domestically and internationally. Its distinguishing feature from other revolutions was its emphasis on spirituality and values ​​inspired by the religion of Islam, so that by relying on the cultural power of Islam and reviving Islamic values ​​in a specific international and domestic context, it was able to win by mobilizing. Reach. The study of the causes of revolutions has always been one of the most fascinating topics in political science and sociology. So far, different views have been put forward regarding the causes of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. In this study, we intend to show the dissatisfaction and failure of different sections of society in the form of relative deprivation, as well as direct and indirect communication between the army and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and the effects of these relations on unrest and dissatisfaction that led to the revolution. Has been examined.

During the last decade, the violent currents in the Muslim world have been the most important issue in regional and international dimensions. Research on the issue has focused mostly on the intellectual aspects and foreign power interventions, whereas the whole question cannot be limited to the spread of Takfiri and Salafi currents as a result of intellectual grounds and foreign interference. Contextual thinking is a seed that promotes the development of these crops if it is suitable for growth. These areas are the bases that exist in some societies, or the foreign factor has sought to provoke it. The external factor contributed to the growth of these currents by expanding these platforms. For a rational analysis of these areas, the desirable framework is Ted Robert Gurr’s relative deprivation. Gurr’s relative deprivation is a mental and internal feeling that is thought to be due to some comparisons and some suggestions. Deprivation may be truly existing or merely an impression. In feeling deprivation, media plays an important role. In examining the incidents and events in both Syria and Iraq over the past two decades, the feeling of relative deprivation has provided a good basis for the growth of violent currents. In the field of security studies, the study of sociological grounds along with the intellectual grounds and the role of foreign powers can provide a good explanation of the causes and factors of the spread of violent currents.

Political protests are one of the types of political action.Iraq has witnessed such protests many times after Saddam Hussein. The last of these protests occurred in the fall of 2019. The aim of this study is to identify the cause of political unrest in Iraq and to find an answer to the question of why the recent protests have become anti-regime?

The method used in this study is descriptive-analytical and uses Ted Robert Gurr's relative deprivation theory as a theoretical framework.

According to research findings, Iraq's oil revenue and economic growth over the past years has raised value expectations among young people, who make up 59% of the population, and maketo feel contradiction with their value expectations. Thus, they have experienced a sense of relative deprivation by observing poverty, corruption and unemployment and comparing their country with other regional governments.Therefore, their political actions havetaken the form of violence and protest.

Given that the elimination of the feeling of relative deprivation in citizens requires structural and serious measures, and it is practically impossible to do so in the short term, so; it can be said as long as the necessary economic reforms are not carried out in Iraq and Iraqi citizens don't pursue their political activities in the form of parties and civil movements, the occurrence of violent protests, as in the fall of 2019 in Iraqi cities, will be natural and imaginable.