جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « US » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The international role of the dollar in the global economy remains dominant. Nonetheless, there is a belief that various factors, including geopolitical changes, technological advancements, and China's increasing role as an emerging power, may challenge the hegemony of the American dollar as a dominant force. China has implemented a range of significant and diverse policies in pursuit of de-dollarization to weaken one of the key pillars of American power. In this research, we employ an analytical-explanatory method and draw upon written and online sources, as well as data from financial and banking institutions, to address the fundamental question: What actions has China taken in pursuit of de-dollarization, and to what extent have they been effective? The hypothesis proposed suggests that considering the dollar's control over the financial structure and the international payment system, as well as the world's countries dependence, including China's, on the existing financial and monetary structure, dollar hegemony has persisted despite China's confrontational policies and has not encountered significant challenges thus far. The research findings suggest that while China's de-dollarization policy is acknowledged as a potential threat to dollar hegemony, it has not succeeded in challenging the dominance of the American currency, and it appears that the dollar-based system will continue predictably into the future.

In the last decade,balance between cooperation and strategic competition in the interactions between the two countries,China and the United States, has been lost, and strategic competition has become an element that regulates and shapes the relationship between these two countries in all areas and bilateral and multilateral issues.The most important reason for this can be seen in the failure of the United States to change the Grand approach of China on the one hand and strengthen its capabilities on the other hand.The West Asian region is not exempt from this issue and the strategic competition between the two countries can also be seen in this area.A region that,although it was not a priority of the United States,has again become a concern of the United States due to the expansion and diversification of China's presence in this region, and under the concept of strategic competition,the weight and importance of West Asia for this country is increasing againTherefore,the man question of the article is what are the components of the strategic competition between China and America in the West Asian region?results of this research show that America,realizing the depth of China's increasing relations in the West Asian region, is revising its policies and increasing innovation in this region.Trying to create new political and economic security alliances in the region in the form of normalizing relations between the Zionist regime and the Arab countries,increasing economic and infrastructural entanglement of allies and expanding cooperation. Security issues are examples of the new American approach

After the events of September 11, 2001,, the United States and the International Coalition invaded Afghanistan under the pretext of suppressing al-Qaeda and Taliban terrorist groups, as well as establishing peace and security in the country;But American performance for a variety of reasons;Not only did it not contribute to peace and stability in Afghanistan;Rather, it led to a rapid re-emergence of the Taliban in the country.Therefore, the main question of the research is that the United States has an attitude towards Afghanistan, especially in the context of the Taliban regaining power in this country;What policy does it follow?The research hypothesis is that after 9/11,the United States began the peace process in Afghanistan in an effort to eliminate al-Qaeda and Taliban terrorist groups from the political and security scene; However, these measures, due to the complex foreign support for the Taliban and the conclusion of a peace agreement between Trump and the Taliban, led to the Taliban gaining power and re-ruling Afghanistan, which had a significant impact on regional equations, including security,Iran will have a national team.Research findings show;Instead of isolating the Taliban, the Biden government is now using economic tools such as sanctions to change their behavior so that they can pursue a more democratic process of governing the country while respecting human rights.Washington also remains committed to negotiating with the Taliban and is determined that the Taliban should form an inclusive and stable government and work with the international community to combat them while severing ties with terrorist groups.

Eurasia includes the two continents of Europe&Asia.After the collapse of the Soviet Union, it seems that the current world order, which was previously unilaterally determined by the United States for years, has faced serious challenges with the rise of China.America has always been a powerful geopolitical actor in the region, which has been able to shape its relations with its partners considering its national interests.The policy of the Donald Trump administration towards Eurasia has been accompanied by an approach based on pure pragmatism.The interests of the US government in this region mainly include the problem of fighting terrorism, strengthening regional security and regional integration, energy and economicaspects,as well as the alternating restraint of two influential players inEurasia,China&Russia.In addition,the results of the research show that Trump failed to advance American policies in Eurasia because he could not find a strong arm for the United States.The reason for this failure can also be seen from the relative independence of Eurasian countries from world powers and from the other hand the geographical distance between America&Eurasia, because although Eurasian countries have maintained their independence from America and China, they paid more attention to China and Trump Giving them to America was not very successful.

Today, cyber space has been turned into one of the most important dimensions of security in our world. With the development and growth of cyber technology, we face an increase in threats of this arena. According to their goals, governmental and non- governmental actors have taken actions against U.S national security. Therefore, change and evolution in the national security with considering cyberspace and its possible threats, from George W. Bush time, has borne different characteristics. The paper tries to review the characteristics of policy and strategies of the U.S presidents against the threats. To answer the paper`s central question, we show that the U.S cyber strategy, under Bush, was defensive and marginal; had domestic and international development under Obama; and was openly offensive under Trump. This paper has been written by library resources and documents in content analysis method and descriptive approach.Keywords: Cyber security, US, Bush, Obama, Trump

One of the most Important Tools of Material Power of the Islamic Republic of Iran, through which it has increased the Deterrence Coefficient and the Balance of Power (Distribution of Power) against Potential and Actual Enemies, is the Missile Program of this Country. In this Regard, in Recent Years, the United States Has Comprehensively Confronted Iran's Missile Capability as a Regional Power. US Strategies to Counter Iran's Missile Program Include a wide Variety of Military, Political, and Economic Options. The Purpose of this Study is to Explain US Military Strategies to Counter and Contain Iran's Missile Program. The Main Question to be answered in this Study is what are the US Military Strategies to Deal with Iran's Ballistic Missiles and Cruise Missiles? The Research Method in this Research is Descriptive-Analytical and the Research Strategy in the Present Study is based on a Qualitative Approach. The Results of the Research Using the Theoretical Framework of Negative Balancing Show that US Military Strategies to Counter Iran's Missile Program are a Combination of Individual Missile Defense, Combined Missile Defense in Iran's Strategic Environment, Military Strategies Specific to Naval Warfare and Strategic Partnerships with Allies and Partners in West Asia.

The end of WWII and defeating Japan was a turning point in its history. This incident not only paved the way for declining Japan’s hegemony as an international power but prepared the situation for changing foreign policy in Japan from a key power to a bandwagon. Examining the history of Japan after WWII shows the change in the foreign policy direction of this country at different times, all of which are somehow related to the Middle East region. Now the question arises, why should this region become the focal point of changing Japan's foreign policy? It seems that Japan's foreign policy has been influenced by its economic dependency on the oil of the region in the ensuing WWII. In other words, if we consider security and economy as the twin columns of Japan's foreign policy in the period after the Second World War, the former has brought about dependency on the United States due to its defeat in the mentioned war; but as for the former, economy, the specific internal conditions of the country in the post-war period, on the one hand, and the different and sometimes contradictory decisions of American statesmen, on the other hand, have been the basis for Japan's different orientation during the last five decades. This article, with regard to the targeting of Japan's macro domestic policy to achieve economic progress in the post-World War II and its implication on the behavior of Japan in the international milieu, it is tried to analyze the change of Japan’s foreign policy within the last decades in the light of Middle East events behind the realism and institutional liberalism lenses as the theoretical frameworks.

In the post-World War II era, superpowers and victors in the war offered economic superpowers to expand their economic and political influence and to develop and expand trade with allied and sometimes rival countries. Some of these plans were designed and presented with ideological goals or confrontation with the rival and others focused more on economic goals. Some refer to these initiatives as geopolitical tools, while others see them as a means to expand trade and economic influence. This article introduces the most important international initiatives of this kind in the last 70 years and for the first time compares China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) from an economic, social, political, commercial, and geopolitical perspective and with the Marshall Plan and the Molotov Plan (CMEA or Comecon). The main purpose of this article is to answer the question of what points of similarity and difference exist between China's BRI with the US Marshall plan and the Soviet Molotov plan. In this article, by examining the context and objectives of these super-projects, the similarities and differences between the above projects have been studied and compared.

One of the most important strategic issues in the field of international relations of countries and in the field of international security is the issue of arms control and disarmament. This article aims to examine the US approach to disarmament and arms control with a look at the events of September 11, 2001, which was done in a library manner. In response to the main research question: "What is the US approach to disarmament and arms control after 9/11?" Findings show that disarmament and arms control have always been one of the most important issues in the international system, especially in Russia-US relations. The proposal for disarmament and arms control in the post-Cold War era is very confusing and complex. . In the early 1990s, there was a strong tendency to conclude arms reduction agreements. Multilateral peaceful international cooperation did not end after 9/11. Rather, given the US government's moves, the rules of the game have become more militant in the first place, and this has led to a change in international discourse. Second, unilateralism was opposed to multilateralism. This development affected all countries.

Afghanistan , as an  example of multi-ethnic , multi-racial, multi-lingual , multi-religious, multi-historic and multi-geographical  countries has witnessed Taliban’s 2nd governance  and the collapse of the government for the 6th times in the last 48 years. Given the arrogance created in Taliban, concerning the expulsion of the US from the Afghanistan soil, and the Taliban record of governance from 1996 to 2001, and given their current practices, the human rights in Afghanistan including the women’s conditions, health and education, Afghanistan is in an inappropriate situation. The parties involved in Afghanistan are still perpetrating gross violations of international human rights, such as war crimes and other gross infringements of human rights. The proponents of human rights, women rights activists, newspaper staff, health and humanitarian workers, and religious and ethnic minorities were among those targeted by the Taliban and non-governmental actors. During the Taliban takeover of the country, a wave of revenge killings engulfed the country. Thousands, mostly of Shia Hazeras, were forcefully expelled. The little progress made in improvement of women’s rights was reversed under the Taliban rule. The rights of gatherings and freedom of speech were severely restricted. Access to healthcare and international aids were halted. Therefore, the current research intends, while addressing the human rights conditions in Afghanistan under the 2nd Taliban rule, to examine the statements, regulations, and agendas declared by the US, and probe the US responsibility in present situation in Afghanistan.

It is difficult to analyze the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China in West Asia and accurately delineate its boundaries during the transitional period. It's also challenging to apprehend gradual changes in US foreign policy doctrine along with the ongoing shift in global balance of power. Nevertheless, the country's patterns of behavior in the face of emerging trends, developments, and issues, as well as the region's key players, have become so cohesive that we can get a clear understanding of China's foreign policy in West Asia. By examining the works of China's scientific society, this article seeks to answer the question, “What is the perception and image of the evolution of the American hegemonic position, the level and nature of its power in the West Asian in the scientific circles of China? And according to it, what strategy is on the agenda of China's foreign policy?” The present study finds that China's foreign policy perceptions of the US hegemonic position in West Asia are based on the assumption of strategic contraction and therefore it’s seeking an offshore balancing strategy. According to this approach, China's foreign policy strategy in West Asia is based on "strategic hedging and controlling it amid rivalry between regional and trans-regional powers", "establishing a stable framework for relations with all countries in the region to ensure energy security", "gradual consolidation of the boundaries of alternative regional order" and finally "great power responsibility and responsible participation in regional affairs"..

Money laundering is a new term that first appeared during the Watergate scandal in 1973 & was first used in a legal framework in 1982 in a US court, & has since been widely used & became the commonly found worldwide. Hence, the present study seeks to make comparative money laundering in Iranian & American law. After expanding the conceptual space of the research topic, it will examine the issue of money laundering & its application in the two legal systems of Iran & the United States. According to the thematic documents presented in this research, the research method is descriptive-comparative & the data collection method in this article is a library. The findings of this article indicate that: In a comparative comparison between the two legal systems in terms of differentiation, it can be stated that money laundering is considered in Iranian law, but if the behavior of the perpetrator is not considered money laundering & the law is criminal which has been sentenced to independent punishment for the same crime, but in the United States it has only dealt with money laundering & various ways to achieve it, but in the field of commonality, it can be stated that in the law of both countries, while discussing transaction monitoring & circulation the mentioned perpetrators of money have also considered money laundering as a continuous crime..

Over the last century, the media has been one of the most important areas of competition for world powers, and especially during the last two decades, cyberspace has entered the field of influencing international relations as one of the fastest growing segments of the media. Cyberspace is a relatively new term used to describe a wide range of networking tools or technologies. Aspects of the impact of media and cyberspace on foreign policy, due to its role in relations between governments, international organizations and politicians, is one of the most influential and challenging areas that has provided the basis for reflecting their priorities, values and ideas. Given the importance of the nuclear program in US strategy toward Iran, this article seeks to answer the question of what was the US media strategy towards Iran's nuclear program between 2017 and 2020. The present study seeks to use theories related to cyberspace to examine the thematic analysis of the US media and cyberspace strategy on JCPOA between 2017 and 2020. To answer this question, using a qualitative method and using network analysis of themes, an attempt has been made to extract the US media strategy from the most important social network used by Donald Trump. The findings of this study identify six main themes in the US media strategy on the issue of JCPOA and Iran: "threats and intimidation", "humiliation and insult", "recourse to the law", "boasting", "frustration and acknowledging "Defeat" and "Iranophobia".

The form and nature of relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America during the period since the Islamic Revolution have been controversial in nature, ranging from hard confrontation to soft methods. In other words, in the relations between the two countries, at first, the hardware aspects were important, but with the passage of time and the inefficiency of these tools, the use of software tools has become important. Accordingly, both countries, aware of this equation, have tried to increase and use more of their soft power capacities and have sought to achieve foreign policy goals and maintain their interests through the use of soft power tools. The present study, by asking the question, "On what principles and components has the soft power of Iran's foreign policy been based on the United States of America?" "It has increased its deterrent capability, thereby countering soft US threats." The method used in this research is descriptive and analytical quality and filing has been used to collect materials.

Since the late 19th century, Iraqi immigrants have formed a community in the US that is widely known as a part of the Arab-Muslim diaspora in the country, yet the majority of this community is non-Arab and non-Muslim. The Iraqi diaspora in the US remains understudied and misunderstood in terms of its ethno-religious diversity as well as the type of influence that it has on its host country’s politics towards the homeland. The key question of this paper is that what is the influence of Iraqis’ ethno-religious diversity on their diaspora identity in the US? To answer the question, we consider the diversity as a vital feature of the Iraqi diaspora, with reference to their patterns of emigration, their settlement and the shaping of their diasporic identity in the host country. We comment on how the divergent dynamics of ethno-religious diversity impinges on different views of the “homeland” and on the future of the diaspora community in the US.

The US withdrawal from Afghanistan is an important component of Washington's return to ”rebalancing” which implies the mobilization of resources in new sensitive areas. The redistribution of power in the international system has led the US to redefine the source of threat (from terrorism to the hegemony) and the focus of threat (mainly from West to East Asia). China's rise over the past three decades has become a major challenge to US hegemony in the Asia-Pacific. Russia is also a challenge to US hegemony due to its strategic expansionism in Europe and Iran due to its regional and nuclear activism in the Middle East. The main question is what goals did motivate the US to withdraw from Afghanistan? The hypothesis is that the main reason and goal of the US to withdraw from Afghanistan is the continuation of its hegemonic position against increasing Chinese influence as the highest priority, then Russia and Iran. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in the context of rebalancing. The research method is descriptive-analytical and explains the reflection of the US rebalancing on withdrawal from Afghanistan in the framework of structuralism approach and the theory of aggressive neorealism.

Strategic Plan to Counter US Political Influence in the Islamic Republic of IranEmphasizing on the votes of Imam Khamenei (issue)Review :Political influence is one of the advanced, complex, close but revived words of soft war, which aims to strike at the system of prioritization, decision-making, computational apparatus and apprehension in the perception and vision apparatus of officials and people.   In this article, the researchers aim to develop a strategic plan to counter American political influence in the Islamic Republic of Iran by emphasizing Imam Khamenei's measures and opinions, using a qualitative approach and analyzing the content of Imam Khamenei's statements and maxquad software, principles and It examines the principles, directional pillars (mission, vision, goals, values, and policies), opportunities, threats, strengths, weaknesses, and weaknesses of US political influence, and ultimately to get out of the strategy. They developed countermeasures from His Majesty's perspective.    An examination of Imam Khamenei's orders regarding political influence shows that from his point of view, the influence, direct communication or indirect influence of the enemies on the three areas of discernment (understanding of issues), decision (solution to problems) and action (practical confrontation) It is aimed at disrupting the interests of the target country and securing the interests of the hegemons at the hands of the rulers of the target countries.ve.Keywords :Strategy, Strategic Plan, Influence, Political Influence, US, Islamic Republic of Iran

The main objectives of economic nationalism as one of the Trump administration's top priorities were to increase the power of government and control the market by means of state interventionism. To achieve this goal, its proponents emphasized policies, which led to a tightening of trade policy, opposition to economic multilateralism, and a return to ideas of the Monroe Doctrine and the tradition of isolationism. The views of the former president Obama and those with different perspectives on how foreign economic policies should be conducted were ignored. During the Trump era, the ideas and policies related to economic nationalism spread around the world, especially among the right-wing politicians and theorists. Although this type of nationalism has a long history, but its revival in the U.S. neoconservative political circle drew the attention of a large number of politicians, parties and political groups in other countries to the prospect and value of implementing the principles of economic nationalism in their own foreign policymaking. As expected, the advocates of globalization criticized Trump’s decision to adopt policies in favor of economic nationalism against liberal and free-trade ideas. They held the belief that the resurgence of nationalism constitutes a threat to liberalism and globalization. Moreover, they issued a warning about its effects on  foreign investments and the likelihood of negative reactions of governments who were to lose from US shift to trade protectionism.   The research questions raised here are: 1. What are the theoretical dimensions of economic nationalism? 2. What factors have led to the rise of economic nationalist ideas and practices in the United States? 3. To what extent had economic nationalism influenced the Trump administration's foreign policy? 4. What are lessons learned from the economic and political consequences of Trump's economic nationalism for the political leaders who are interested in pursuing Trump’s mercantilist approach? The research hypothesis asserts that economic nationalism with its emphasis on          trade protectionism, national power, unilateralism, accumulation of national wealth,  of  national  economy  from  the  world  economy,  prioritization  of national identity and nationalization had an undeniable impact on Trump’s foreign policy. To test the hypothesis, Trump's foreign policies will be evaluated in the context of his economic nationalist way of thinking using Robert Gilpin's theatrical framework. Qualitative and secondary data will be collected and analyzed using a qualitative case study method for the careful assessments of public statements made by US politicians and the policy outcomes. The findings show that neo-mercantilist economic nationalism had greatly influenced the Trump administration's foreign policymaking, and had led to the use of trade protectionism as an instrument for national wealth accumulation in the expectation of increasing US national power. Finally, policy recommendations are offered as a guide to the foreign policymakers of any country who intend to adopt economic nationalism and mercantilist principles, based on lessons drawn from the US experience of formulating and implementing foreign policy based on economic nationalist ideas. These eight interlocking points are as follows: 1. Pursue national wealth and income accumulation; 2. Consider a balance of trade surplus in economic transactions with other countries to bolster national economy; 3. Pay attention to ensuring the goal of economic self-sufficiency; 4. Choose the time-saving and low-cost approach of unilateralism to secure national interests and to protect domestic industries from foreign competition to a feasible extend; 5. Place the rise of national power among the primary foreign policy objectives; 6. Be aware of the impossibility of creating a powerful state without a cohesive national identity; 7. Prioritize the expectations and demands of the citizens over business consideration in policy intervention; 8. Finally, if there is any doubt between prioritizing the acquisition of wealth for a particular social class or national power, one should undoubtedly consider increasing national power in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.