جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "نیروهای اجتماعی" در نشریات گروه "علوم اجتماعی"

Development agents are highly significant in national and regional level. But, border regions` development agents with Kurdish origins have been always paid attention with highly sensitivity by national policy makers. Present research has three basic aims including: local development agent recognition, identification of agents` relevant processes, and exploration of barriers for each agent`s role in the process of local development. In order to explain theoretical context of the question, institutionalism approach with good government role in local development have been presented. Piranshahr border region, in the south of West Azerbaijan province, is the only formal border with Iraqi Kurdistan, and has experienced fast development changes in recent twenty years based on academic research and the researcher`s lived experience. Research method is qualitative and is based on the analysis of interviews and participatory observation. Sampling is done through purposive sampling; and Data has been collected through deep and group interviews with 30 local development agents divided in five groups including: governmental agents (from state and parliament), economical agents (from local investors, border merchants, carrier laborers, farmers), security agents (from Sepah military forces, Border Regiment forces), urban agents (from city managers and real-estate agents), and native social agents (from local confidants, NGOs, and Clergymen). Results show that agents from government, security, border, and economical agents including border merchants, carrier laborers, and local investors, have had affective experienced trends which have been mainly accompanied by interaction, opposition, indifference, ethnic respect preserve, and friendship. Serious barriers for local development have been recognized as nonnative agents, security point of view, ethno-centric view, and distrust to local people. Good government indexes have been variant based on institutionalism approach in different political states after revolution 1979. Based on research findings, local good government with upward planning look, using native agents, and participation of local people is the most appropriate strategy for the fulfillment of local development in Piranshahr border region.

Iran was occupied by the Allies in the World War II in August 1941. At this time no social force resistant against foreign forces showed up. This is while Iranian social forces had shown serious resistances against the foreigners in the Qajar era or in the years following World War Ι. This article using Mill’s comparative-historical method tries to focus on this problem, and specially tries to study public social forces of resistance against foreigners in the Qajar era. These social forces include Clergymen, “Luti”s, guilds and leaders of tribes. Then the situation of these social forces will be traced in Reza-Shah era. This paper claims that the reason Iranians surrendered to Allies invasion’s forces, and social force even did not try to resist against them, was that they were weakened and suppressed during 16 years of domination of Reza-Shah in Iran.

It is not possible to know the nature of social and political developments or the dominating ideology and thought without paying attention to the form of permutation of social forces and nature of contradictions among them. One of the most important social forces that has played an important role in the politics and government, particularly in the social-political developments in Iran since nineteenth century, is the traditional middle class.The victory of Tobacco Movement and the Constitutional Revolution in Iran owed their victory mainly to this social force. During the Oil Nationalization Movement this force constituted one of the main pillars of the National Front coalition, while the traditional middle class was in the front line of the June 1963 uprising and that of the 1979 Islamic Revolution.The present paper is an attempt to study the effective factors on the hegemonic role played by this organized self-conscious social force in the main sociopolitical conflicts in contemporary Iran.