جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « انقلاب اسلامی » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

Democratization stands as one of the most momentous occurrences of the 20th century, profoundly shaping the trajectory of social change in numerous societies. Throughout this era, waves of democratization swept across different nations and Iran was not exempt from this transformative tide. Considering a pivotal part of this democratization movement, the 1979 Revolution in Iran served as the focal point for this research. The objective was to delve into key concepts within the democratization literature, specifically examining the revolutionary period spanning from 1963 to 1979. To accomplish this, the research drew upon the conceptual models presented by Samuel Huntington, Gream Gill, and Charles Tilly, using their frameworks as a basis for analyzing the research data. Employing the historical institutionalism method, the primary and secondary historical references served as the primary sources of data. The findings of this study elucidated that the activities of the Rouhaniat institution and the emergence of underground Marxist parties in 1963 marked the inception of the Islamic revolution, ultimately leading to the events of 1978. Despite the state's efforts to regulate the democratization process by creating political space, historical incidents like the episode of  September 8 and the society's disillusionment with the state played pivotal roles in accelerating the democratization process.

Interpretation of the Islamic revolution in Iran is varied, encompassing Marxist, Islamic, and democratic perspectives. This research viewed the revolution of 1979 as a significant stride towards democratization in Iran. The historical institutionalism approach was employed to identify key historical factors and establish causal relationships between events. In this method, the researchers examined the chosen historical period to identify pivotal moments and trace the chain of events. Subsequently, the researchers elucidated the temporal and causal sequences that connected these events (Pierson, 2014: 227). To accomplish this, the research relied on a foundation of historical documents, including historical journals and books, as primary sources.

The research framework was rooted in concepts derived from theories on democratization processes. Charles Tilly's notion of mobilization of protesters finds support in the mosque networks and underground Marxist groups that facilitated a large-scale demonstration in 1979. Gream Geal's emphasis on civil society and the breakdown of elite unity was evident in historical actions, such as protest speeches and nationwide demonstrations in 1977. Indications of elite disunity included punishment of former political elites and the army's refusal to suppress the populace. Samuel Huntington's theory on the struggle to establish a new political order was reflected in the absence of nominations within the Rstakhis party and the demand for an Islamic republic.The process of democratization during this period originated from ideological disagreements between Islamic and underground Marxist groups and the state. In response, the state sought to suppress these dissenting actions by establishing its own party. Meanwhile, the society witnessed an increase in demonstrations and strengthening of civil society activities. However, the state also escalated violence against demonstrators, marking a pivotal historical moment known as the "Black Friday", which led to two subsequent significant events: widespread demonstrations and strikes. The persistence of street protests following these events ultimately culminated in the final stage of democratization characterized by the collapse of elite unity.Applying the historical institutionalism approach, the results demonstrated that after the incident of "Black Friday" in September 8th, 1978, the state responded with severe repression, using violence as a means to control the society. In turn, the society responded by intensifying its civil resistance, leading to a significant number of protests involving millions of participants and nationwide strikes. These events collectively formed a causal chain that played a central role in the process of the 1979 revolution.

Reza Brahni (1401-1314) is a prominent contemporary critic, poet and storyteller, his stories are a reflection of the political conditions of Iran before the Islamic Revolution and the events of the revolution period. He has written the stories "Song of the Dead", "Secrets of My Land", "Well to the Well" and "What happened after the wedding" based on the Islamic Revolution. In these stories, Baraheni, as an intellectual, aims to describe the society of the Pahlavi dynasty and express the political, cultural and economic problems of the society and has emphasized the conflict between the revolutionary forces and the elements of the Pahlavi dynasty. In this article, in a descriptive and analytical case, the four stories have been analyzed with the approach of sociology of literature. The results show : the confrontation of the revolutionary people with the elements of the regime is intellectual struggle, student protests, street demonstrations, armed guerrilla activities against the regime, the efforts of the people against the elements of the regime. And in opposition to them, torturing and killing the fighters, trying to suppress the revolutionary demonstrations, is the activity of the regime elements . Suffocation, tyranny, poverty and corruption are the main features of the society that show the harsh conditions of the people and the vulgar life of the regime

The ambiguous discourse after the Islamic revolution and the historical and culturalized laws regarding the topic of Fun created one of the important points of controversy on television. Considering the importance of investigating the historical context in understanding this issue in television, the question is what events television actually went through in the 1360s in interaction with the political system and social forces as well as the religion. Investigations indicate that television in the decade that was mixed with revolutionary fervor and the atmosphere of war, firstly through the absolute removal of some signifiers of fun, censorship, control over the import of TV programs, creating moral panic in the tribunes, and finally changing the regulatory institutions; And after that by depicting a new form of rites and celebrations and music, removing dance and joyful body movements, shifting the atmosphere of television competitions toward educational programs devoid of any kind of playfulness, as well as imposing numerous censorships of music and also minimizing any kind of mixing of men and women, controlled and redefined the conventional concept of happiness and fun. The short time of the television broadcast schedule basically controlled the type of programs. Despite the evidence of the growing gap between the ideas and the practical situation of programming, and despite the break of some parts of the society from this official perception of the issue of happiness, until the end of the decade, these issues did not cause major changes in the situation of television or any conflict with public opinion. Ayatollah Khomeini's border activism also played a significant role in removing blockages in some signifiers of happiness and fun discourse.

The main purpose of the present research is to investigate the managerial role of Ms. Marzieh Hadidchi "Dabagh" in the field of the culture of sacrifice and martyrdom before and after the Islamic Revolution, with a case study of her spiritual management. In this research, qualitative method and documentary analysis have been used to achieve the goal. The research tools include books, historical works and texts, documents, interviews, and digital sources. The research results show that Ms. Dabagh, both before and after the victory of the revolution, following the example of the prominent women of Islam, especially Hazrat Zahra (SA) and Zainab (SA), had an active managerial role in various fields, especially in the spiritual domain. However, the most important direct activities in the spiritual aspect of the culture before the revolution included: holding Quran and interpretation classes, various connections with academic centers, efforts for the promotion and honoring of martyrs, promotion of Hajj rituals, and after the Islamic Revolution included: emotional and moral guidance, encouragement of individuals to participate in the front lines, performing charitable and humanitarian activities. The research findings indicate that Ms. Dabagh, in her managerial role, exemplified a prominent figure of sacrifice and a model of a revolutionary and combatant woman, showing that Iranian women in the contemporary history of this country have played a significant role in the struggle against domestic tyranny, foreign colonization, and the process of the victory and continuity of the Islamic Revolution.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran has had a wide reflection beyond the borders of Iran and the Middle East region and has reached the distant region of the Arab Maghreb, including Tunisia. Tunisia gained its independence in 1956 and was the most secular government in the Arab world until the victory of the Islamic Revolution. This country faced a kind of religious awakening in the early seventies, and at the end of this decade, with the failure of liberal economic policies and the emergence of riots in the country, Islamic sentiments took a political form and Islamic political groups were formed, the most famous of which was "Al-Nahda". During the struggle of the Iranian revolutionaries, especially after the victory of the Islamic revolution, the Tunisian regime, worried about the impact of this revolution on Tunisia, openly opposed it and labeled Tunisian Islamists as "Khomeinists". However, the Tunisian Muslim activists, inspired by the Iranian revolutionaries, tried to expand their activities. The Islamic Revolution and the thoughts of Imam Khomeini (RA) had a tremendous impact on the opponents and the adoption of the approach of social and cultural struggle, and the anti-arrogant revolutionary Islamic government became the desirable government of Muslims.

This article shows why and how the Velayat al-Faqih theory, despite the Iranian and Islamic theoretical challenges, was able to become a stable and efficient theory for the formation of the Islamic Republic, by integrating two theological and philosophical approaches in the two directions of “elitism” and “contractualism”. Based on Skinner’s methodology, the current research, shows that the formation of the Islamic Republic and its survival is not accidental, but based on a series of theoretical discussions and wide-ranging practical and revolutionary efforts. Iranian idealism based on Farabi's thought and civil idealism, and contemporary political movements, as well as the theory of Sheikh al-Islam Naini, and finally the theory of religious authority in Imam Khomeini's thought, are some of document and proofs presented here, in this realm. Finally the research shows that in Islamic Republic of Iran, the negotiation among the two sides of theories, and policy making, is inevitably determined in the shadow of shia's 12th Imam. However the civil society has the prominent role in the political.

The purpose of the current research is to investigate Ali Shariati's subjective approach to the concept of man and his social responsibility and its impact on the revolutionary reading of religion as a radical political ideology. By using this approach, Shariati formulated a revolutionary subject in Shiite religious literature. The main question of the current research is, what place did the revolutionary subject have in Shariati's thought? And to what extent Shariati's revolutionary analysis of Shiism was effective in the political mobilization of the masses of people in the Islamic Revolution? This research, using the analytical-historical method, wants to analyze the main features of Shariati's intellectual project and evaluate its role in the victory of the Islamic Revolution.Paying attention to the political and social consequences of Shariati's subjective approach, including paying attention to the revolutionary subject and its redefinition in Shia religious literature and its role in drawing the revolutionary image of religion as a factor of social and historical transformation and its contribution to the formation and development of the Islamic Revolution are among the most important findings of this It is research.  

The aim of the present study is to investigate the mental approach of Ali Shariati as one of the important figures of contemporary Iranian intellectuals to the concept of man and his social responsibility and its effect on the revolutionary reading of religion as a radical political ideology. The main question of this research is that what role did Shariati's mental, radical and revolutionary approach in reading religious concepts play in the ideological formulation of his thought and what political impact did he have on the victory of the Islamic Revolution? The main hypothesis is based on the fact that Shariati, by redefining religious concepts on the axis of revolutionary subject and social praxis in the framework of a radical political ideology, was able to present a revolutionary narrative of political Islam, which plays an important role in the political mobilization of different sections of society, especially the educated youth in the revolution. had islamicWhat is important for us in this research is not a judgment about the merits and demerits of Shariati's intellectual project or a judgment about the relationship between religion and ideology. Rather, we seek to understand the nature of Shariati's thought as a religious revolutionary intellectual and its relationship with the modern subject, so that we can better understand the logic of his thinking and his method of understanding and interpreting history and religious texts.

 The method of collecting the necessary data to conduct such a research was documents, in the framework of which a collection of Shariati's views related to the revolutionary subject and his radical interpretation of religion was collected. These views have been presented directly or indirectly in the form of his lectures, books and works. Criticism and analysis of the collected data has been done using the analytical-historical method, which wants to analyze the main features of Shariati's intellectual project and evaluate its role in the victory of the Islamic Revolution.

One of the most important findings of this research is that Shariati, inspired by modern humanism, had a volitional and subjective view of man, and based on the role of the subject and the role of the subject, he assigned a special place in social developments. And it pays special attention to the historical agency of man as the agent of historical and social changes and to the dialectic of the individual and the society. Shariati's intellectual project is to present an image of a revolutionary subject who can transform and change the world around him. This is the characteristic that has made Shariati a modern and radical humanist thinker.Shariati tried to strengthen and revive the revolutionary potential of religion by discussing "Islamic Protestantism". In his opinion, religion should move towards worldly issues from an eschatological point of view. Shariati gave the main role to responsible and revolutionary intellectuals in the path of reviving the revolutionary and radical image of religion. He believed that these intellectuals should create Islamic Protestantism instead of fighting religion as a reactionary element in order to give a new thought and movement to the society. The most important feature of Shariati's intellectual work was the use of new ideological and sociological formats in redefining religious concepts.Shariati's intellectual influence among the educated youth and pushing them towards religion as an ideology in the Islamic revolution should be considered as a kind of intellectual creativity in redefining the revolutionary issue around the element of religion as one of the foundations of identity and belief of the Iranian society of that era. Many analysts who have investigated and studied the Islamic Revolution of Iran believe that Shariati's thoughts played an important role in the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Redefining religious concepts around subjectivity and revolution in Shariati's thought is considered the most important strength of his intellectual project, which shows the modern and revolutionary political capability of Shariati's thought. With this pattern in reading religious texts, history and teachings, he succeeded in presenting a radical and revolutionary image of religion and considered religion as the main factor of seeking justice and political protest.Shariati's subjective approach to religion is a completely modern phenomenon that aims to define a revolutionary political and social role for Shi'ism in Iran at that time. Considering the level of widespread influence of religion among different strata of the traditional and transitioning Iranian society, Shariati knew that the dominance of a radical and revolutionary narrative of religion can be the foundation of a comprehensive and revolutionary political action.

The general result of this research shows that Shariati, as a revolutionary religious intellectual, by presenting his coherent, methodical, history-oriented and creative narrative of the texts and history of Islam, was able to draw a different picture from the traditional narrative of the clergy about religion, which has new political capacities for it as It provides the impetus for political action in an ideological formulation. Shariati's revolutionary approach to religion became the basis for presenting a radical and protesting image of religion, which played an important role in stimulating religious youth towards political action. Shariati's ideological reading of religion was carried out with the aim of pushing the Iranian society towards a political revolution against the autocratic and dependent Pahlavi regime. By applying a subjective, ideological and revolutionary approach to religion, Shariati has turned it into the main element of the political mobilization of various social forces in the Islamic Revolution.

The Islamic revolution that transpired in Iran posed a difficulty for the theorists of the revolution in their way of thinking. Revolutions of the past were either predicated on modernity or did not oppose it; they consisted of simple uprisings of the peasant or worker multitudes against the owners of property and power. However, during the Islamic revolution, the populace, leadership, slogans, and ideology were all in good standing with Shiite Islam. “Hossein Kechoyan” is the name of one of the philosophers who has contributed to the study of jihadi Islam. “The nature, reflection, and obstacles of the Islamic Revolution in the thought of Hossein Kechuyan” is the subject of this article. By employing the text hermeneutic method and documental information collection, an effort is made to comprehend the Islamic revolution theory and the progression of Quechuan history. The hermeneutic approach employed in the article revealed that Kechuyan believed that the Islamic revolution brought about a paradigm shift in the definition of revolution; its religious and cultural character contributed to its ability to dominate history; and as a result, it is regarded as one of the greatest revolutions. Because the great revolutions, by virtue of their civilizational essence, possess the capacity to exert influence over subsequent revolutions and alter the methodologies and demands of the movements. The article’s novelty lies in its examination of an Iranian theorist specializing in revolutionary theory.

According to the Supreme Leader, who said, "We had an Islamic revolution, then we formed the Islamic system, the next stage is the formation of the Islamic state, the next step is the formation of the Islamic State, and the next stage is the formation of the international Islamic civilization." Today, we are in the stage of the Islamic State and the Islamic Country; Therefore, it is necessary to determine its strategies to achieve the Islamic State and Islamic civilization. Accordingly, the purpose of the current study is to determine the evolutionary strategies of the Islamic Revolution for the aim of the new Islamic civilization. This research is developmental in terms of purpose and descriptive-analytical in terms of method, with exploratory approach which has been done by grounded theory method (Glaser emerging approach). In addition, the statistical population of the research are the guidelines and plans of Imam Khomeini (Modzaleh Al-Aali) and the Constitution of the Islamic Revolution. The qualitative method was employed to analyze the data using MAXQDA Software. Finally, the findings of the research were divided into seven main themes i.e., the use of jihadi management, development of Islamic lifestyle, scientific development, preservation of revolutionary ideals, repulsion of threats, central justice and fight against corruption, implementation of resistance economy. Besides, some suggestions were provided in this regard.

Today, social capital is very important, and its low level means that there is not enough reserve of social trust in the society, and as a result, the links in the society are distorted and public morals are threatened, and as a result, the quality of life and social welfare are in crisis. In order to promote social capital in our country and realize the ideals of the Islamic Revolution, it is necessary to present a native theory that is appropriate to the structure and political and social conditions of our country and with a value and religion-oriented approach. In this article, using the descriptive-analytical and historical-interpretive method, it is discussed that the Shia Imamate, with its characteristics such as infallibility, knowledge and divine guidance, while presenting the best epistemic system of social capital in expanding and strengthening the most important cognitive components of social capital That is, the component of trust and its main branch, i.e. trusting belief and behavior, followed by moving towards the ideals of the Islamic Revolution, are very effective.

Delegitimization of a political regime through the exercise of its constituent power and relying on national will depends on the realization of four external situations: concrete emergence of a national will; demand for political change based on national will; continuation of national demand for regime change; and appointment of an indisputable national leader. Adopting a descriptive-analytical method and library studies, this paper intends to analyze degree of realization of each one of the above-said four situations in culmination of 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran by referring to reliable historical sources and relevant events, describing the quality of emergence of national will and the exercise of constituent power to delegitimize the monarchy. The results show that in the 20-month period between early 1977 and early 1979, the four characteristics of a revolutionary movement for delegitimizing the established political regime, at least two months before the final victory of the Islamic Revolution and the complete overthrow of the Pahlavi regime on February 11, 1979, had been fully realized.

The purpose of this article is to study the impact of rural initiatives and developments on the occupational mobility of villagers in selected villages in the city of Marand. It was assumed that the rural reforms of the government after the revolution, which was primarily influenced by populist and egalitarian ideology, would have an effect on the social mobility of the target population.To investigate the impact of rural reform on rural mobility, the ex-post-facto comparative method was utilized in three groups of matched villages, based on development potentials and the number of rural programs or actions implemented, and random sampling was used to collect research data.Mobility is greater in villages with more development measures, indicating that rural initiatives have had effects. However, the nature of mobility revealed that both upward and downward moves occurred predominantly within short-range adjacent occupations; consequently, movements were uncommon at the top of the job structure continuum.In summary, the study concludes that although it is possible to conduct research on social mobility at the micro level and in a smaller community such as a village, the study of occupational mobility at the village level cannot be classified according to the standard that will be applied to the larger society. In addition, since rural society is experiencing the phenomenon of migration, the findings cannot necessarily reflect the job mobility of those who were promoted and took advantage of new opportunities, but did not reside in the village during the field research.

In the process of revolutions, mobilization plays an essential role, which itself requires ideology and the formation of a kind of collective belief to influence the masses and prepare them for revolutionary action. In the Islamic Revolution of Iran, this matter was very powerful and widespread, because it was supported by the Shiite ideology and its rich and sublime teachings, and therefore, the dominant aspect of this revolution, according to most experts, is its spiritual and ideological dimension. During the Islamic revolution, the culture and values ​​of the movement of Imam Hussein (AS) and the inspiration of that holy uprising were very effective, and the symbols and myths of this great movement, highlighted and assimilated by the leader of the Islamic revolution (Imam Khomeini (RA)) became a powerful tool in incitement. It became a popular and revolutionary mobilization and created capacities to overthrow the Pahlavi regime with the power of the people and replace it with the government of the Islamic Republic. This research has explained the issue by analyzing the content of Imam Khomeini's messages, speeches and statements, as well as the content of the slogans and resolutions of the marches in the process of the revolutionary movement and showing identifications - by using political mobilization theories, especially Geertz's assimilation theory. The results showed that Shiite doctrines created capacities for Imam Khomeini (RA) to transform them into the ideology of the revolution. Among the ideological elements of Shia, the uprising of Imam Hussain (AS) had the greatest effect in turning this ideology into a political mobilization.

Revolution is a temporary social phenomenon and therefore has a beginning and an end, at the same time this issue is ambiguous in most revolutions. Considering the importance of determining the beginning and end time of a revolution and its consequences, the purpose of this article is to study this issue about the Islamic Revolution. The main research question is, when can the process of the revolutionary movement of the Islamic Revolution begin, and when can the end of the revolutionary process and the stabilization of the Islamic Republic be considered? By developing two conceptual frameworks to specify the beginning and end of the revolutionary process, and the five elements resulting from each of them, and using the documentary method, this research showed that the time of the beginning of the Islamic Revolution movement can be determined in December 1977, or More precisely, on December 11, 1977, coinciding with the holding of the 40th ceremony of Hajj Mustafa Khomeini in Qom, and the time of establishing the Islamic Republic, and as a result, the end of the revolutionary process of the Islamic Revolution in October 1981, coinciding with the beginning of the presidency of Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei.

One of the issues that revolutionaries face is their approach to real estate owned by administrative authorities and big owners. After the Islamic revolution in Iran, the leader of the Islamic revolution has faced two basic problems regarding the aforementioned civil affairs. These two include the situation of unjustified acquisitions by the institutions and officials of the Pahlavi regime, as well as the issue of acquisitions required by revolutionary institutions after the victory of the revolution. Now it should be determined by examining the opinions of Imam Khomeini, the various dimensions of the mentioned issue, to find out what position there was by the leader of the revolution in this regard? The result of the research has determined that the leader of the Islamic Revolution had a strict stance towards the illegal acquisitions of the past and a law-abiding stance towards the acquisitions made after the Islamic Revolution by government officials and institutions.

According to any life style and theory about it, "work" also finds a different meaning. The Islamic revolution also created a world view and a life style, which is logically to define a different meaning of work. Considering the need of the society after the Islamic Revolution for education, the literacy movement was formed under the influence of the Islamic Revolution in 1358, and in it, a meaning of work emerged that had special and distinct characteristics compared to other meanings of work. In this article, an attempt has been made to analyzes the concept and meaning of the work that has been in the literacy movement, focusing on the literacy movement in Mashhad, as the basis of its members' activities. Because the influence of Islamic-Iranian foundations was important for the research in this article, we have tried to avoide ourselves from the relativistic methodology. Therefore we have complete this research by adjusting the phenomenology method and have try to use the doctrines of Henry Corbin in Phenomenology. The findings of the research indicate that the meaning in the eyes of the members of the literacy movement of Mashhad, which we have obtained through 50 interviews and the analysis of two oral history books in this field by the phenomenological method, corresponds to the Qur'anic meaning of work, that is benevolent action.

The research method used in this research is the method of discourse analysis and discourse semiotics, and religious cinema discourses have been examined after identification. The findings of the research show that according to the analysis of the discourses and semiotics of the examined film works, five main discourses were identified, including the discourse of the Islamic revolution and the holy defense, the discourse of urbanization and ruralism, the discourse of individuality, the discourse of religious tolerance and pluralism, and the discourse of return. . In the discourse of religious tolerance and pluralism and the discourse of individualism, conflicts and conflicts with the discourse of the Islamic revolution and holy defense and the discourse of return are felt and airy. Also, there are overlaps between the discourse of the Islamic revolution and holy defense and the discourse of return. This overlap between these two discourses and the discourse of urbanism and ruralism also applies.

Following the murder of Martyr Soleimani in 2019, the dominant system and the opponents of the Islamic resistance made significant attempts to influence and control the public opinion around the globe, particularly in the West Asian region and among Americans, using media outlets and open internet forums in an effort to persuade the world of this vile evil while defending the assassination. The next piece, which addresses the crucial problem of media representation, representation of Qassem Soleimani's murder on Twitter and Instagram of Iran International Network is how this key question is being addressed with the use of qualitative content analysis method, intelligent data gathering techniques, and netnography methodology. How did it get done?" The study's conclusion examining and expressing the opinions of the Twitter and Instagram users of the Iran International news media, highlighting the time of Martyr Soleimani's assassination, highlight many points:Inversion of the facts and reality of the resistance front through deliberate representation and the use of stereotyping. Islamic and consistent with both American statesmen's conduct and global public opinion.The Islamic Resistance Front has triumphed in armed conflict, but it has not made effective use of its resources when creating dialogue online.The resistance front must innovate in the arena of media conflict and cyberspace and switch from an offensive to a defensive approach. In fact, with the help of an imaging pioneer, the Islamic Resistance Front might seize media coverage.