جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « رانت » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

Cities and especially metropolises, due to the concentration of power and wealth factors, play anirreplaceable role in the developments of the contemporary world, in such a way that cities, due to theconcentration of capital - especially in the form of fixed capital - are considered as an important source for theflow of profit, which this flow through It is realized by political forces and mainly in favor of capitalist groups;Therefore, it is obvious that the metropolises under the oil system produce their style and spatial-functionalstructure corresponding to their economic and political situation, according to the specific politicalcharacteristics, so the exploration of the pattern of social-urban relations in the oil economy is the goal of thisresearch. . For this purpose, using a critical approach, historical documents in the socio-spatial field have beenanalyzed. The results of this study show that the formation of unequal social relations and speculative socialrelations grows in the framework of the rent system, and these inequalities continue to show themselves in thebody and urban structure after passing through the smoothness of the sp.

In fact, rent refers to any form of income without social investment or productive and mutual activity, and it is derived from the sale of gifts and natural resources that generate rent-related incomes. Now, Iran’s metropolitan areas, particularly Isfahan, are confronted with informal settlements, one of the primary causes of which is economic rents. In light of the recent increase in the annexation of rural areas in Isfahan’s 14th district, one of the causes of which is rent, this study endeavors to determine the role of the rent economy in the formation of informal settlements in the 14th district. Isfahan has played? In this regard, the question arose as to which elements of the rentier economy play a greater role in the formation of informal settlements in the study area. The research hypothesis indicated that economic factors, legal factors, political-management factors, and social factors are more influential in the expansion of informal settlements in Isfahan’s 14th district.This research employs the methods of collecting documentary and field data to extract rentier economy indicators and to convey the research literature gleaned from the documentary method and the field method in order to collect the data required to validate the indicators. Snowball sampling was used for the sample community of experts (faculty members and doctoral students with related dissertations) and experts, whereas simple random sampling was used for the sample community of city administrators.The results of Tukey’s post hoc test indicate that there is a significant difference between rentier economy indices and measures. In this regard, the indicators of refusal by middle and lower level managers to implement laws in order to create rent (legal factors), the indicator of increased income due to sales density (economic factors), functional and organizational interference (political-managerial factors), and the diminution of human characteristics are significant. In the development of non-toxic settlements in District 14 of Isfahan city, the axis of spaces (social factors) is of the utmost importance.The results demonstrated that, from the perspective of the rentier economy, the economic index is the most important factor affecting the expansion of informal settlements. Additionally, undesirable consequences such as profit-seeking by proprietors and builders contribute to the growth of informal settlements. Social ghettoization is one of the negative effects of the rentier economy’s legal, administrative, and social dimensions

Nowadays, the importance of oil is no secret to anyone, and the consequences of its income are influential in the different areas of the social life of the exporting countries; therefore, it is futile to investigate these consequences regardless of the social and political conditions associated with the governments of the above-mentioned countries. Thus, this study has attempted to study rentierism and the political development of the Islamic Republic of Iran in order to identify threats, opportunities, weaknesses and strengths using a Delphi method. the Delphi method was used in the field of research and using the open-ended questionnaire, the experts in political sociology, economics and politics were asked questions in six stages of Delphi. In this regard, The most important opportunities: strengthing military power, providing ways to be independent politically and economically, appropriate international relations through income derived from natural resources; Threats: widespread intervention of foreign countries, reduction of national security, and lack of interaction with global economy; Strengths: formation of the middle class, social institutionalization, order and modern state; Weaknesses: lack of seriousness in receiving tax, concentration of resources in the hands of the government, and non-formation of indepdent social groups can be mentioned.

Nowadays, the importance of oil and the considerable wealth of its sale is no secret to anyone, since the wealth had always social, economic, cultural and political consequences in the process of moving toward development (in all its dimensions) in the exporting countries of this God-given source, so-called rentier states. This important issue, in turn, doubles the necessity of investigating the implications of the process and its impact on the process of moving toward development dimensions, given the socio-political conditions associated with the states in these countries. Iran’s economy has relied on oil wealth for many years, and that oil economy has always had some functions in the country’s development path. Thus, this study attempts to investigate the threats of rentierism and political development of the Islamic Republic of Iran by a Delphi method. According to the results, the major threats of rentierism in the political development of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be a lack of seriousness in collecting taxation from the people versus a lack of the state accountability to the nation, concentration of the major revenue sources in the hands of the state, and nonexistence of independent social groups, independence of the state from society, widespread intervention of foreign countries, a decline in national security and a lack of engagement with the global economy.

For years researchers have associated the developmental problems of countries possessing natural resources like oil with the very fact of the possession of such resources. The numerous studies of this field have mostly focused on the theories of the Rentier State and the Resource Curse. Today, with the advent of empirical research and theoretical criticism, there is little doubt with regards to the shortcomings of the classic theories of the field. The latest research has also attempted to mitigate the extremes of the classic theories of rentierism which usually cover a limited scope of the suggested outcomes of rentierism, and such theories have not formed a comprehensive and elaborate theory, nor have they presented an appropriate ideal type of the rentier state for historical investigations. The present paper presents a critical survey of the literature on rentierism, focusing on one main question: how can this theory be improved? With respect to this question, at first, rentierism literature will be reviewed, then the institutionalist theory of Douglass North shall be introduced. By recognizing the advantages and disadvantages of both theories, the present paper goes on to formulate new conceptual framework named the "Rentier Limited Access Order". Not only is this framework rooted in both theories, but it also goes beyond them and delivers new insights with which rentier states can be studied.

 This article studies the policy of housing in Iran. Housing policy as the next dimension of social policy can be influenced by the orientations and approaches of governments. However, there is no accurate indication of how different governments are oriented towards housing policy in Iran. This is especially important for low-income groups. The question of this research is that how did governments influence the housing policy of low-income groups? To answer this question, the housing policy was examined in two dimensions of legal input and Executive output over the years 1979 to 2013 using qualitative data. The results of the study showed that housing policy in the legal input was influenced by the government's approach. But from the executive perspective, despite the difference in the type of housing policy in different governments, the results and practices of housing policy have been similar to those of low-income groups. It means that Government policies have so far not been able to make such a viable and effective operation that lowers incomes to their right to provide adequate housing. Therefore, informal settlement has increased and the amount of homelessness has been increased over the recent years. With the advent of the first decade of the revolution, housing policy has so far provided for the accumulation of capital for traders and, on the other hand, has led to the Lack of citizenship for the majority of society. This situation has led to the commoditization of land and the growth of its exchange value. Keywords:</strong> Housing, State, Rent, Social Justice, Social Policy.

Collection of institutional inefficiencies and inconveniences are an obstacle to local governments in Iran, one of which is the ruling rentier structure of the country. This paper seeks to demonstrate that the construction of a rentier system in non-developed or developing countries dependent on oil revenues is continually modifying itself. It is crucial to realize the influence of history, beliefs and ideologies created over time on this matter. Consequently, even in the face of the decline in oil revenues and the movement towards the creation of democratic institutions and the significant presence of people at the polls, it can be observed that these institutions become a tool in which expand rentier structure. To understand this, new institutionalism literature is to be used.

The present study examines the relationship between state finances revenues and the quality of governance. Government revenue impact on the quality of governance is one of the most pivotal Fiscal Sociology Paradigm. The financial effects of the state ,particularly its impact on the quality of governance in recent decades, many researchers have proposed different approaches . Some believe the negative consequences of resource abundance on social -political structure, in point of contrast, opponents of the idea of ​​a positive impact on improving the quality of governance and resource abundance have focused .The theoretical arguments Supporters and against have been proposed. The next step in the theoretical solution was derived hypotheses. Hepoteses was assesed by empirical internation data. in the methodology of This study is cross-national comparative, and the unit of analysis is the country. The method analysis this paper uses fuzzy processing and analysis software is FSQCA. Consistency between the two sets of empirical findings observer with 0.83. This value indicates that 83 percent of the cases studied confirms the claim that unrent revenues state, a necessary condition, but not good enough to governance. Accordingly, it claimed to be the definitive empirical evidence for causal reasoning that necessity unrent revenues stat for the good governance, does not imply full support and complete subset of countries with good governance is unrent countries. But the ratio is larger than the norm (0.80), we can say that unrent revenues state is almost always necessary for good governance. Covrage ratio of good governance to unrent revenues state equal to 0.73, which indicates the importance of unrent revenues state for good governance.

Rentier states, has been faced with serious political and economic problems. In these countries, A major part of their revenues not from taxes but from the sale of natural resources extracted is provided. And some certain theories for the study of political economy of that countries came into existence. These are called Rentierism theories. These theories focus on the outcomes and harmful effects of Rentierism. These Effects and Outcomes returns to different fields of economy, politics and society. These Effects and Outcomes included not only the global market volatility that undermines the national economy but also unusual empowering rentier state/government. In this study Rentierism dimensions has been identified as a counterpoint to good governance dimensions. And the pattern of good governance has been identified as a democratic alternative of Rentierism. The governance pattern was investigated in six countries that rely on rent to varying degrees. These research was conducted with comparative-historical method, based on World Bank data. The results showed that Rentierism theories has serious limitations, because a more-rentier government does not always act in such a way as undemocratic and with bad governance, and conversely a less-rentier government, does not always act in such a democratic and with good governance. Finally, offered some suggestions for the development of Rentierism theories.

Rent is mainly an economic subject studied by economists. However, it may be interesting for political economists as for its impacts on interactions between government and society and its damaging effects on domestic economy and government's separation and non-reliance on its own society. Calling political rent, the article is to analyze its impacts on the Islamic revolutionary ideals and to find a mechanism to be taken by the I. R. of Iran to clear the destructive effects of this phenomenon on its political area and help its essential ideals to become real. The article is analytically and descriptively investigating the process in the past three decades and tries discussing the cause and effects of political rent based on the approaches of the leader and founder of the Islamic revolution. The author's hypothesis is that prediction of some short-time and long-time requirements in the normative fields of the dominant system, political culture and politico-legal structures may help us eliminate political rent from the society and promote the revolutionary ideals.