جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « مهاجران افغانستانی » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

International migration is a growing phenomenon with diverse causes and motivations. Amidst globalization and new information/communication technologies, a rise in nationalism has been observed. The emergence and expansion of the internet and virtual platforms have given a new dimension to nationalism studies, introducing the concept of "digital nationalism". One issue facing modern immigrant-receiving societies is that even as immigrants settle in a new country, they may be still strongly identified with their homelands, hampering their socialization in the host society. A key factor in this is the presence of new technologies that allow immigrants to maintain strong links to their countries of origin. One such group is Afghan immigrants in Iran. Afghans have migrated to Iran in large numbers in recent decades, often for political reasons. This influx has posed challenges for the host Iranian society, with identity issues hindering the integration of Afghans. This study aimed to examine the phenomenon of digital nationalism among Afghan immigrants in Shiraz, Iran - a context not extensively covered in prior research on the digital-nationalism nexus, which has tended to focus on national borders or the actions of governments and political parties.

This study employed a quantitative survey research method. The target population was Afghan residents of Shiraz, Iran, aged 18-64 years. The total Afghan population in this age range in Shiraz in 2023 was estimated to be 83,587, with 54,932 men and 28,655 women.Cochran's formula was used to determine the sample size. A sample of 320 Afghan men and women aged 18-64 years living in different areas of Shiraz were selected using a multistage cluster random sampling approach. However, due to some incomplete or missing questionnaires, the final sample size was increased to 500 participants. Sampling involved multiple stages. First, all 11 districts of Shiraz were considered as clusters and several districts were selected from among them based on size and likelihood of containing Afghan residents. Within each selected district, 3-4 blocks were then randomly chosen. Data were collected using a researcher-designed questionnaire. Statistical analyses appropriate for the measurement levels of the variables were conducted using SPSS software, version 26.The sample consisted of 449 Afghan residents of Shiraz, of whom 50.1% were male and 49.9% were female. The majority (56.1%) were aged 18-27 years, while only 0.2% of them were 48-57 years old. Most respondents (60.9%) were married, while 39.1% ones were single. In terms of education level, the largest group (23.7%) had only elementary schooling and the smallest group (2.2%) had post-diploma qualifications. A high proportion (39.8%) reported having no income, while only 0.2% earned 15 million tomans or more per year. Bivariate analyses showed significant differences in digital nationalism between men and women and between single and married individuals. Moreover, greater access to and use of new technologies were positively and significantly associated with digital nationalism at over 99% confidence. Multivariate regression modeling revealed 6 key predictors of digital nationalism: frequency of phone calls with other Afghans (in Iran and abroad), years lived in Iran, access to the internet and mobile phones, use of various digital platforms, employment status (daily wage worker), and presence of paternal family in Iran. Together, these variables explained 30% of the variance in digital nationalism.

This study investigated the relationship between modern digital media, particularly social media and the internet, and the expression of nationalism among Afghans living in Shiraz, Iran. The findings indicated that access to the internet, primarily through smartphones and the use of various online platforms had facilitated communication between Afghans both within Iran and with those in Afghanistan. This ability to stay connected and discuss shared issues related to Afghanistan had contributed to strengthening of digital national identity among the Afghan diaspora in Shiraz. Specifically, factors, such as frequency of phone/video calls with other Afghans, length of time lived in Iran, access to the internet and mobile phones, use of different digital platforms, employment status, and presence of paternal family in Iran, were all positively and significantly associated with levels of digital nationalism. These contextual variables appeared to play an important intervening role in how new communication technologies influence the expression of national identity. In conclusion, the study provided evidence that digital media had facilitated the maintenance and expression of national identity among Afghans living in the diaspora. Access to transnational communication channels had enabled this population to stay engaged with their homeland and fellow Afghans, thereby reinforcing their sense of shared national belonging despite physical distance. The findings highlighted the important sociocultural implications of new information and communication technologies in shaping identity and community dynamics, especially for immigrant and diaspora populations.

Iran has hosted foreign immigrants, mostly Afghans and Iraqis, in the last four decades. Along with the dimensions of structural integration of immigrants, the dimension of cultural integration is also important and key. Cultural integration as a process in which immigrants acquire knowledge and cultural norms for interacting with the host society, facilitated by motivations for integration. The aim of this article is to explore the process of cultural integration among the first and second generation Afghan immigrants in Iran. The research has been conducted within the framework of a constructivist approach and a grounded theory research method. The sampling method was purposeful and snowball and semi-structured interviews were conducted with 45 participants. The data obtained from the interview were analyzed at three levels of initial, focused and theoretical coding. Findings indicate ten main categories including; initial surprise, recognition, similarity, assimilation, convergence, following the values of the origin, the desire to maintain the values of the destination, the centrality of the language and cultural resistance of the host. By summarizing the main categories, " cultural identity " was determined as the final category. According to the research results, cultural assimilation among immigrants has been formed in an intergenerational process, It can be said that cultural transmission has been formed for second generation immigrants.

As an informal part of the Iranian society, Afghan immigrant women experience emotions in the family and social structure that can be influential in the production or reproduction of a cultural environment, beyond its pathology. The present study, with a qualitative approach and interpretative phenomenological method, seeks to narrate the lived experience of Afghan immigrant women. The data collection tool was a semi-structured interview, the data of which was collected through interviews with 25 women of 18 to 40 years old living in the southern areas of Tehranand analyzed according to Van Menen's model. Some of the main themes extracted, such as identity crisis, anxiety, and contentment with the status quo, show that the traditions of the origin society still powerfully affect the lives of immigrant women. It is necessary to pay attention to the results of such studies at the micro and macro levels of cultural policy. In line with the management of support programs for immigrants and population policies such as childbearing, necessary policy recommendations have been provided.

Despite the attention given to the quality of life and well-being of the general population, relatively little focus has been placed on the quality of life of refugees and immigrants. This lack of attention stems from the fact that enhancing one's quality of life is one of the main motivations for migration. Immigrants often encounter new and discriminatory social and economic circumstances, including marginalization, minority status, socio-economic disadvantages, loss of social support, psychological distress, and difficulties in assimilating to the host culture. These factors have a profound impact on the well-being and quality of life of immigrants. In general, the quality of life experienced by immigrants is influenced by a combination of factors, some of which are specific to the individual immigrants themselves, such as their education, job skills, and mental and physical health, and others that are related to the host society, such as its cultural and economic conditions and policies towards immigrants. The interaction between these individual and societal aspects significantly shapes the quality of life of immigrants. Despite numerous studies conducted on the migration of Afghans to Iran, which have encompassed various aspects, such as identity, security, demographics, employment, mental health, women's status, quality of urban life, residential patterns, economic impacts, societal integration barriers, social distance, and social networks, there remains a dearth of research on the quality of life experienced by Afghan immigrants in Iran. The findings from several conducted research studies are still inconsistent. Despite the fact that Afghan immigrants have been living in Isfahan for a long time and that this province has got the third rank in terms of accepting Afghan immigrants, there has been no independent research conducted to assess their quality of life. This is significant considering the various consequences it can have on both the immigrants and the host society. Thus, the present study aimed to evaluate the quality of life of Afghan immigrants in Isfahan, including its various dimensions. Additionally, the study aimed to identify and analyze the social factors that can have an impact on life quality, while trying to understand their influencing mechanisms.

The current research utilized descriptive-analytical and field survey approaches. The statistical population for this study consisted of Afghan immigrants aged 18 years and above, who were residing in Isfahan City. According to the population census of 2015 conducted by the Iran Statistics Center, there were a total of 1,831,224 Afghan nationals in Isfahan Province and 88,866 in Isfahan City (Statistics Center of Iran, 2015). Due to the logistical challenges and inability to reach all individuals across various cities, the research was confined to Isfahan City, particularly Zainabiyah Region, where the largest concentration of Afghan immigrants was found. The sample size was determined to be 330 individuals by using SPSS Sample Power software. After a thorough review and elimination of incomplete questionnaires, the total number of 321 completed questionnaires was selected for analysis.
For measurement of a variable, the World Health Organization's short scale consisting of 26 items was utilized. This scale encompassed 4 dimensions: physical health (7 items), mental health (5 items), social relations (6 items), and environmental health (8 items). The general questions were made regarding health status and quality of life. The Cronbach's alpha coefficient for this variable was determined to be 0.84. To assess religiosity, 17 items were employed and categorized into 4 dimensions: belief (4 items), rituals (6 items), emotion (4 items), and consequences (3 items). Cronbach's alpha coefficient for this variable was estimated to be 0.86. The research items adopted by William et al. (1997) were employed to quantify the perception of discrimination. This 8-item scale has been extensively utilized in various countries to assess the perception of discrimination of immigrant groups. Cronbach's alpha coefficient for this variable was approximated at 0.85. To measure this variable, the "short scale of social integration" (Holland and Grühn, 2018) was utilized. This variable comprised 12 items, which were categorized into 4 dimensions: social support, social satisfaction, social participation, and instrumental support. Cronbach's alpha coefficient for this variable was estimated at 0.72.

According to the current research findings, it could be concluded that the majority of immigrants in Isfahan City had an average to high rate of quality of life, including psychological, social, environmental, and overall quality of life aspects with an average score of 3.35. More than 60% of the immigrants expressed satisfaction with their quality of life. The immigrants' satisfaction could be attributed to their modest expectations and the presence of cultural, religious, and linguistic similarities with Iranians. This had resulted in their satisfaction with living conditions in Iran, leading to a lack of desire to return to their home country. Furthermore, the respondents' overall assessment of quality of life supported the aforementioned assertion.
The findings of the present study aligned with those of other studies mentioned in the relevant literature, e.g., those of van der Boor et al. (2020) and Correa-Velez (2020), regarding social integration. Social integration generally leads to increased participation, solidarity, and creation of social capital, which positively impact immigrants’ quality of life and well-being. Engaging in social activities and taking social responsibility are crucial for achieving psychological and social balances. Trust and mutual respect play essential roles in building relationships. Various factors, including work environment, contribute to establishing these relationships. Work environment is particularly important for the immigrant community. Work relationships facilitate the integration process of immigrants into the host society as they shape immigrants’ "self and identity" within the community and provide opportunities for their social interactions. Additionally, due to religious similarities and homogeneity between Afghan immigrants and the people in our country, religion may influence social integration.
Religiosity was found to have a direct impact on the immigrants’ quality of life and an indirect effect through enhancing their social integration with the host society. Given that the majority of Afghan immigrants residing in Iran were Shiites, their religious similarity could facilitate their assimilation into the host society. This finding is in line with that of the research conducted by Sigert (2020). Additionally, Powell et al. (2000) indicated that engaging in religious organizations can enhance self-confidence and alleviate feelings of isolation and despair. Religiosity promotes the accumulation of social capital through participation in various religious rituals and possessing higher social capital is associated with an improved quality of life.
Perception of discrimination hinders social integration and detrimentally impacts the quality of life. Immigrants' perception of discrimination directly decreases their quality of life and impedes social integration. Social integration, in turn, reduces social division between immigrants and the receiving society. Discrimination against refugees comprises two dimensions: institutional discrimination enforced by the government and host society and non-institutional or social discrimination enforced by the broader society. In general, discriminatory actions and behaviors by governments or individuals, as well as the mental experience and perception of discrimination among immigrants, have a detrimental impact on their quality of life. The findings of this study revealed that the perception of discrimination indirectly diminished the quality of life for immigrants by hindering their social integration into the host society. Other studies have also demonstrated a significant negative correlation between the perception of discrimination and the related concepts of quality of life, such as well-being and contentment (e.g., Zhang et al., 2009; Kuppens & van den Broek, 2022; Bender et al., 2022). However, contrary to the theoretical model adopted by some previous research (e.g., Bender et al., 2022), no significant relationship between religiosity and perception of discrimination was discovered in the current study.
To gain a comprehensive understanding of the Afghan immigrant population in Iran, further investigations should be conducted from various perspectives. Specifically, it is recommended to carry out intergenerational studies to assess the quality of life and determine the levels of satisfaction among the first, second, and third generations of Afghan immigrants in Iran. Additionally, qualitative studies focusing on the quality of life experienced by Afghan immigrants will be beneficial.

This study aimed to examine the subjective well-being of Afghan immigrants residing in Shiraz and explore the factors associated with it. The statistical population of this research comprised Afghan immigrants aged 15-59 living in Shiraz city, from which a random sample of 380 individuals was selected. Data collection involved in-person interviews and the administration of a questionnaire. The well-being scale utilized in this study was developed by Samaram and Mahboubi (2013). The findings indicate that, on average, 62.2% of the respondents reported a moderate level of well-being, while 30.8% expressed a high degree of well-being. Overall, the subjective well-being of immigrants in this research was considered average. Moreover, the results highlight the association between gender, marital status, employment status, length of stay in Iran, income, and economic class with the level of subjective well-being among Afghan citizens living in Shiraz. The perception of well-being is relative, as individuals' assessment of the objective life conditions and existing realities shape their feelings about life and its quality, consequently influencing their level of happiness or unhappiness.

Iran has hosted foreign immigrants, mostly Afghans and Iraqis, for the past four decades. The number of Afghan refugees registered by the UN Refugee Agency in 2021, shows that among different countries, Iran is the second destination of Afghan refugees after Pakistan. One of the key aspects of immigrants' lives that changes in the context of life and residence in the host community is identity. Identity is an important element in the process of immigrant integration, reflecting the sense of belonging or alienation from the culture of host society by the migrant. This paper aims to explore the identity integration among the first- and second-generation Afghan immigrants in Iran.

The research has been conducted within the framework of a constructivist approach and a Grounded Theory research method. The sampling method was purposeful and snowball. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 45 participants in the cities of Yazd and Tehran. The theoretical coding method was used to analyze the research date.

Findings indicate eight main categories including fear of identity expression, Iranian identification, identity concealment, identity crisis, comparison with Iranian peers, sense of belonging to ethnic identity, and comparison with Afghan peers were extracted. By summarizing the main categories, "identity purgatory" was obtained as the final core category.

According to the results of our field study, it can be concluded that the process of identity integration is not an intergenerational process for Afghan migrants, but it depends mainly on how migrants form their interpersonal interactions at the micro, intermediate and macro levels. Another challenge for immigrants is that they are unable to develop their different social identities in a way that allows them to affirm both their own ethnic as well as destination national identities.

Introduction Social distance is a term coined by Bogardus (1941) to describe the feelings and attitudes of people of one group towards another one. Social distance occurs when there is little understanding and familiarity between groups of people. Social distancing can be experienced and institutionalized at societal, group, and individual levels. When social distance is high, it is often accompanied by feelings of mistrust, fear, and apprehension. More than four decades have passed since the arrival of Afghan immigrants in Iran. The second-generation Afghan immigrants have a higher economic and social status than the first-generation immigrants. Reducing social distance is the prerequisite for the integration of immigrants in the host society. The present study aimed to analyze social distance among Afghan immigrants in Iran with a qualitative approach in order to answer the following questions: What understanding and interpretation do immigrants have of social distance and its processes in interaction with the host society? What are the mechanisms and processes in the formation of social distance between immigrants and the host society?  Material and MethodsThis qualitative study used a constructivist grounded theory approach to investigate, explain, and understand the phenomenon or meanings that people create around their views, values, attitudes, experiences, life histories, and ways of being in the world. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 45 first- and second-generation immigrants in Tehran and Yazd cities. The participants were selected using purposive snowball sampling through contacts with trusted people among the immigrants and introductions by them. An effort was made to include a variety of people in the sample from the ages of 18 to 65 years with different residence statuses (having an Amayesh card, passport, and Iranian birth certificate due to marriage, as well as those without a residence card). In addition, such characteristics as gender, ethnicity, and generational status were taken into consideration. Lincoln and Guba’s criteria were used to evaluate and validate the categories. First, the member control technique was applied by taking the constructivist data analysis strategy. Based on this method, the research focused all its attention on the interpretation of the data. Instead of using the linear method, it used the circular method (continuous back and forth between data collection and analysis) to discover the common or contradictory themes. Discussion and Conclusion The data obtained from the interviews were analyzed by using theoretical identification at the three levels of initial, centralized, and theoretical coding, including Institutional distance, media distance, emotional distance, limited maximal level of aspirations, problematic sense of belonging, preferred intra-network interaction, marriage as a threat or opportunity, and individual context of distance. Finally, the core category of "two-way demarcation" was discovered, which covered all the 17 categories extracted from the analysis. The findings showed that the immigrants faced legal restrictions at the socio-economic and civil-political levels, which limited their access to citizenship rights. Alba and Nye (2003) state that through limited access to citizenship, systems of stratification, in which ethnic demarcations shape access to certain positions, can be perpetuated. The immigrants stated that they felt helpless against the law and a sense of distance from Iranian citizens and society. In other words, they experienced an emotional distance from the host society. Bogardus (1941) considers sympathy and mutual affection as the determinant elements of social-emotional distance. When they are manifested, there is closeness between two groups. Simmel (1971) states that immigrants can become emotionally detached from the host society when they enter it. This feeling of "strangeness" may be caused, at least in part, by the host society's attitude toward and treatment of strangers. This strange process depends on a distinct combination of the two opposing factors of closeness and distance, which Bogardus refers to as social distance. Social distance or social closeness is created through certain degrees of understanding, interaction, and intimacy in intergroup or interpersonal social relationships. The findings of this research showed the mechanism of social distancing. The distance created for Afghan immigrants in Iran could be observed through legal barriers, in the form of formal employment discrimination and a status limited to the lowest level of the job ladder, as well as educational restrictions and confined social services.

Based on the main approaches to the study of rituals, one of the important functions of rituals is production and reproduction of a community and culture for the members. Taking into account issues including the minority status of the Afghan immigrants’ community residing in Mashhad, their marginalization, inattention of the host community to them, necessity of creating a social network to regain identity, and the effect of holding mourning rituals on the production and sustainability of identity, the importance of investigating the formation and changes of the mourning rituals of Afghan immigrants as a tool for the stability of this group of people in the host community is strengthened. Therefore, this study is aimed at conducting a qualitative study on the changes of Muharram mourning rituals of Afghans residing in Mashhad and their relationship with the culture of the new community. In this study, an in-depth interview was conducted with 12 immigrants who were selected using purposeful sampling method. Besides, to prepare photos, videos, and reports, the researcher has had a regular presence in Muharram mourning ceremonies of Afghan immigrants. The findings of the study revealed that the main changes are related to: the number participants of the ceremonies, kind of participants (presence of Sunnis), amount and type of vows, clothing styles of mourners, number of ceremonies, style of delegation, style of speech and eulogy, model of mourning, spirituality governing the meetings, venue of the mourning meetings, attitude towards audience, and finally political attitude of the mourners. It seems that factors such as modernization of living space, residential dispersion, change in economic status, and cultural dominance of the host society are the main causes of these changes

This research aims to study the reading of Afghan immigrants residing in Iran of their representation on the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) programs. To study the issue, the reception analysis approach has been reviewed. The research method is qualitative and research data has been gathered through in depth interviews with 18 Afghan immigrants. Based on the analysis of the interviews, the Afghan immigrants are dissatisfied with the way of representing them in Iranian television channels up to the recent decade. Based on oppositional reading of interviewees on IRIB programs, Afghan immigrants are depicted negatively in TV news and series and they are dissatisfied with this depiction. Based on negotiation reading, the interviewees believe that their representation in Iranian television was very little and marginal or they have been misrepresented before the 2010s but the focus of Iranian television on Afghan immigrants has increased. They see the representation of Afghans has differed during recent decade because of Iranian T.V attention to the Afghan battle men who battled in Syria, and due to the increase of educated Afghans migration to Europe, besides the increasing diversity of media, especially the social media. However, the results signify the relative dissatisfaction  of Afghan immigrants living in Iran with their representation in some programs of the Iranian television channel, especially T.V news and series.

The adoption of cultural policies in the face of foreign immigrants is, first of all, the image that policymakers present of "insiders" and "outsiders". The human rights policy for these immigrants is based on the same perception of insiders and outsiders. Following the occupation of Afghanistan by the former Soviet Union and the subsequent civil war in the country, how to deal with the crisis of Afghan migration to Iran has been repeatedly considered in the country's policy institutions over the past four decades. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has declared Iran's interaction with Afghan refugees during this period as a successful example of hosting a large refugee population. The present study, as a "policy analysis", aims to examine the cultural policies guaranteeing the human rights of Afghan immigrants in Iran. by adopting the method of Laclau and Mouffe discourse analysis, we examined the official discussions of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, Imam Khomeini's phrases and some officials about Afghan immigrants.  According to the obtained results, the macro-cultural policy of the country has been mainly Islamic cosmopolitan and far from the components of nationalism; Therefore, Afghan immigrants have been welcomed as Muslim brothers. Only at times when the discourses of developmentalism and liberal globalism have had relative power, some nationalist demands placed some restrictions on these immigrants.

Since its inception, anthropology has paid special attention to health, hygiene, disease, treatment and medical affairs, and has devoted a detailed field of anthropology to this matter. This article seeks to examine the mechanisms of traditional prevention and treatment among immigrants and its effects on the modern Iranian medical system. Using the ethnographic method for data collection: the use of documentary studies, deep semi-structured interviews and participant observation and also personal notes on the research ground of the Qa'im Qom Township , the researcher has been able to collect and analyze the first handed data. The data of this research are mainly collected in the summer of 1397 and the sampling is based on theoretical requirements of the work and purposefully formulated. It initially deals with common diseases among migrants, and then immigrants will encounter these medical affairs based on their traditional and cultural beliefs. Preventive and traditional treatments among Afghan immigrants in Iran are more than modern treatments on the scene of their everyday lives.

Considering Afghan migrants’ presence in Iran as a temporary situation for over the past four decades, turned into a social problem which impact upon both migrants lived experiences and the host society. This article seeks to understand the implications of the Corona pandemic situation on the lived experience of Afghan students. The central hypothesis of this paper is that the outbreak of the Corona virus has had far-reaching effects on the educational, economic and social dimensions of migrants in general and Afghan students in particular. The most important negative effect of this social anxiety at the intersection with nationality, gender and class is enlargement of educational and gender inequalities in the daily lives of immigrants. On the other hand, the most important positive change resulting from this pandemic situation is the visibility of the presence of immigrants in the public opinion and policy arena in ​​Iran, which to some extent has facilitated the structural integration of immigrants. Data were obtained through semi-structured interviews with 31 Afghans with experience of higher education in Iran. Equal access to educational services provided by the school, facilitation of student accommodation regulations and amendment of the executive regulations of the Law on Entry and Residence of Foreign Nationals, automatic renewal of immigrants' identity cards, renewal of immigrants’ work permits and the approval of executive regulations related to health insurance coverage have been among the most important changes in the Iranian government's policy towards the immigrant community during the Corona crisis.

Due to persistent turmoil in their native country, a large number of Afghan migrants have found new homes in various parts of Iran. Several cities, including Tehran, have become important areas of Afghan residence. This article probes the housing, socioeconomic, cultural, and legal circumstances of Afghans in the Harandi neighborhood of Tehran. It also investigates host community attitudes to Afghan residents and the impact of service providers on the lives of the migrants. Field work was carried out through semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions conducted with NGOs, various migrant groups, Iranian residents, and local officials as well as observation and review of the available documents. Findings are indicative of a certain degree of integration observed among Afghan migrants. Furthermore, a particular structure of employment has been shaping among them in association with the neighborhood’s opportunities and especially its informal economy. Afghan presence in the neighborhood has been largely sustained due to these opportunities, services provided by NGOs, and relatively low housing costs as well as the generally positive attitude of other residents toward migrants. Yet, an inadequate sense of responsibility toward Afghans is discernible in urban management, with negative implications for the formulation of necessary service frameworks.

In the past four decades, Iran has hosted the largest population of foreign immigrants, mostly from Afghanistan and Iraq and currently, Iran ranks as the second country in accepting the most Afghan immigrants after Pakistan. After safety and economics, education is one of the most important factors in attracting Afghan immigrants to Iran. Public schools, universities, literacy movements, private schools, and charity schools in Iran have made education possible for all migrants with any social status or level of education. However, this education is tied to difficulties such as family economic issues, providing identity documents, deliberate obstacles, personal preferences, religious concerns, disagreement of local people, etc. This paper studies the situation of educational integration and the difficulties regarding the habitation of afghan immigrants in Shahrak-e Qaem in Qom who have formed half of its inhabitants. The author used interviews and participation along with observation for gathering the data. This data is extracted from the research on immigrants' lifestyles, and is visualized based on qualitative analyses of their experiences in domains such as studies, social networks, economics, and bureaucracies.

Despite the passage of the years of the presence of Afghan refugees in Iran, still they are grappling with many problems. One of the main problems associated with negative attitudes in their daily interactions with Iranians. It seems that negative attitude to the Afghan refugees is due to certain cultural values among Iranians. This study examines the relationship between cultural values and attitudes towards immigrants Afghanistan deals. The research method was a survey and questionnaire was used for data collecting. The population of this study is the citizens of Kashan that was selected 389 subjects for this study. Sampling was conducted using cluster sampling method. Data analysis with SPSS and correlation and regression were used. Based on the study findings, it can be said with the increasing cultural values of masculinity and power distance, uncertainty avoidance, would be more negative attitudes toward immigrants. These three variables explained about 15 percent of Iranian's attitude change toward immigrants. Hypotheses about the relationship between individualism/ collectivism and attitudes towards immigrants were not confirmed and statistically relationship between the two variables is not significant.

Return migration is an important but less studied issue in migration literature. This paper aims to study the levels and determinants of intention of Afghan youth toward returning to Afghanistan or staying in Iran. The data is drawn from a sample survey among Afghan youth 15-29 conducted in Mashhad and Tehran cities in 2010. The results are indicative of low willingness and intention of Afghan youth (especially for second-generation Afghans) to return to Afghanistan, and inversely, their high intention to stay in Iran for short- and mid-term periods. Multivariate analysis revealed that several socio-demographic factors affect migration options and strategies. Gender, education, generation, SES, length of family’s residence in Iran, adaptation patterns, social satisfaction, sense of discrimination, and neighborhood situation were found as important determinants of migration strategies. In conclusion, return migration is not only influenced by demographic and individual factors, but also, it is significantly affected by contextual and structural conditions.

This article، studies the poems of Afghan migrants poets in that are attending in the Islamic republic of Iran over 3 decades، based on this interpretation، that the poem is a cultural expression which repeats cultural and social interactions of a culture. by studying autobiography، we mean study of those poems which refer to poet''s emotions، memories، and individuality، not all kinds of poems which are divided into four main types: heroic، romantic، dramatic and deductive. With respect to Afghan activities in Iran in cultural arena، the poem is considered as a media; in fact، this is a bridge to create interactions and intercultural discourse with Iranian people by the commons between two nations. So، this study is seeking to show their structure and needs and cultural and artistic activities that have been formed over 3 decades in Iran. In the other words، this study is an answer to this question that by what approach and representation has been formed the cultural expressions of Afghan migrant''s society. The study of migration poem that is considered a cultural expression، using of qualitative method is necessary that here، and by this method، has been tried to show through the psychological analysis of discourse that how poets apply the available discourse with flexible so that، by intercultural discourse while interaction، has created the representation of Afghan special identity and have agreed about them. Indeed، we have reached from the psychological analysis of discourse to social psychology of Afghan migrant’s society that، has been estimated self-formation and their emotions during their social interactions in Iran and then، the role of this process has been shown in social- cultural regeneration of this social group in Iran.