جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Constitutionalism » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

This article shows why and how the Velayat al-Faqih theory, despite the Iranian and Islamic theoretical challenges, was able to become a stable and efficient theory for the formation of the Islamic Republic, by integrating two theological and philosophical approaches in the two directions of “elitism” and “contractualism”. Based on Skinner’s methodology, the current research, shows that the formation of the Islamic Republic and its survival is not accidental, but based on a series of theoretical discussions and wide-ranging practical and revolutionary efforts. Iranian idealism based on Farabi's thought and civil idealism, and contemporary political movements, as well as the theory of Sheikh al-Islam Naini, and finally the theory of religious authority in Imam Khomeini's thought, are some of document and proofs presented here, in this realm. Finally the research shows that in Islamic Republic of Iran, the negotiation among the two sides of theories, and policy making, is inevitably determined in the shadow of shia's 12th Imam. However the civil society has the prominent role in the political.

The constitutional movement was one of the most decisive events in the history of Iran. One of the consequences of constitutionalism was the formation of associations that worked in various ways to support or criticize the constitution. "Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh" of Tabriz was one of these organizations, which in 1326 A.H., with the efforts of a group of Tabriz clerics, including Mir Hashem-e Davachi, was established in the vicinity of the gate of Sorkhab and the alley of Davachi/Shotorban. After the parliament was bombed by the king (Muhammad Ali Shah) the association became a supporter of the government. Despite the importance of the subject, so far no independent article has been written about the Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, and the present article seeks to fill a part of the existing scientific gap. In addition, by criticizing the dominant view of Iran's constitutional history, the article has tried to adopt a new approach to constitutional critic associations, especially Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, which is based on the review of sources.The establishment, continuity and fall of Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh raises the question of how and with what motivation the association was formed and what role did it play in the developments of Tabriz in the midst of the transition period? in this article, an attempt has been made to answer the above question with a descriptive-analytical approach and using the qualitative research method. The hypothesis of the current research is that Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, which was formed from the religious, political, social and economic motives of the "Founders of Eslamiyeh", at the beginning of the so called "Estebdad-e Saghir" period, became a center of support for the government of MuhammadAli shah in Tabriz, but the conflict of opinions of the founders of Eslamiyeh along with the resistance of the people of Tabriz and their suspicion of the government forces, paved its way to collapse.AbstractThe constitutional movement was one of the most decisive events in the history of Iran. One of the consequences of constitutionalism was the formation of associations that worked in various ways to support or criticize the constitution. "Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh" of Tabriz was one of these organizations, which in 1326 A.H., with the efforts of a group of Tabriz clerics, including Mir Hashem-e Davachi, was established in the vicinity of the gate of Sorkhab and the alley of Davachi/Shotorban. After the parliament was bombed by the king (Muhammad Ali Shah) the association became a supporter of the government. Despite the importance of the subject, so far no independent article has been written about the Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, and the present article seeks to fill a part of the existing scientific gap. In addition, by criticizing the dominant view of Iran's constitutional history, the article has tried to adopt a new approach to constitutional critic associations, especially Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, which is based on the review of sources.The establishment, continuity and fall of Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh raises the question of how and with what motivation the association was formed and what role did it play in the developments of Tabriz in the midst of the transition period? in this article, an attempt has been made to answer the above question with a descriptive-analytical approach and using the qualitative research method. The hypothesis of the current research is that Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, which was formed from the religious, political, social and economic motives of the "Founders of Eslamiyeh", at the beginning of the so called "Estebdad-e Saghir" period, became a center of support for the government of MuhammadAli shah in Tabriz, but the conflict of opinions of the founders of Eslamiyeh along with the resistance of the people of Tabriz and their suspicion of the government forces, paved its way to collapse.KeywordsConstitutionalism, Tabriz, Anjoman-e Eslamiyeh, Mir Hashem-e Davachi, Estebdad-e Saghir.

Feminist criticism is concerned with women's issues and the ideas regarding women in a text. As an approach to the differences between speech and texts of men and women, female writing is a valuable theory in feminist literary criticism. By drawing on a descriptive and analytical methodology, the present study analyzes the language and content of two women's journals in the Constitutional era, i.e., Danesh (“knowledge”) and Shokoufeh (“bloom”), using a "feminine writing" feminist approach and based on the perspectives of linguists such as Mills and Lakoff. Linguistic and content analysis of these magazines suggest that although the prose of female journalists in the earliest women's journals is void of heavy feminist connotations, the syntax contains many components of feminine writing style, such as high frequency of vague words, swearing on divine authority, use of intensifiers and adverbs expressing doubts, feminine emotional phrases in vocabulary, utilizing short sentences, relative and independent clauses, use of unfinished sentences, and questions. Thematically, too, female journalists discussed subjects different from those reflected in men's journals, like the imperative of female literacy, female health care, and hygiene, respecting their choice of spouse, revising men's conduct in interacting with them in the household and community, and comparing the conditions of Iranian women with women in advanced countries, to advance their social and individual demands.

The sit-in of around 20,000 people of Tehran in July and August 1906 in UK Embassy is a highly debated issue in the history of constitutionalism. Lasting for a month, the sit-in came to an end after issuance of Constitutional Order by Mozaffar al-Din Shah of Qajar. There is no consensus on the name(s) of organizer(s) and decision-maker(s) behind the sit-in plan, although the role played by  Ayatollah Seyyed Abdollah Behbahani, a prominent Shia cleric and one of the leaders of Constitutional Movement, is worthy of deliberation. This paper intends to shed light on Ayatollah Seyyed Abdollah Behbahani’s role in organizing sit-in in UK Embassy through reviewing opinions for and against the move. An outstanding character opposing the sit-in was Ahmad Kasravi, whose opinion was endorsed by Imam Khomeini. Findings, came through review of various sources and documents on the move and opinions of the historians and researchers, indicate that the sit-in was a recommendation by Ayatollah Seyyed Abdollah Behbahani to a limited number of merchants for their safety and security and it was not a public call for sit-in in the UK Embassy. However, the recommendation found extensive dimensions, apparently contrary to what the ayatollah meant at the beginning, but the roles and influence of his followers and key figures in his house must not be ignored to that effect.

A woman's character is evaluated based on her sufficiency, competence, competence, merit and moral and social coordinates, political, social and cultural awareness, so that a woman can independently find her role and place in the society and prove it to her peers. In contemporary civilization and in advanced countries, women are gaining their human position day by day and the historical role of women is valued. Iranian women came to the stage in important historical places and showed an effective presence. The presence of women in political and social activities during the second Qajar period has been very impressive; Among these women is Bibi Maryam Bakhtiari. She was one of the women fighters of the constitutional era. During the First World War, when parts of Iran were occupied and under the influence of Russian and British colonial forces, Bibi Maryam rebelled in favor of the German and Ottoman forces and against the Russian and British occupying forces. In this article, the way of political-social presence of Bibi Maryam Bakhtiari in the political developments of the Qajar era is discussed with descriptive-analytical method.

There are many differences in opinion about determining the origin of contemporary Iranian history. Throughout the Pahlavi period, efforts were made to identify the coup of 1921 and the rise of Reza Shah as the origin of contemporary Iranian history. By drawing a dark picture of the general situation in Iran during the Qajar period, especially the critical situation of the country on the Eve of the coup of 1921, the Pahlavi supporters tried to introduce Reza Shah as the founder of modern Iran and the coup of 1921 as the origin of contemporary Iranian history. The main problem of this article is whether the coup of 1921 and the rise of Reza Shah is the origin of contemporary Iranian history? Evaluating and criticizing the ideas presented about Reza Shah by official historians of the Pahlavi period as well as some independent historians, the author argues that the origin of contemporary Iranian history is not the coup of 1921 or the reign of Reza Shah. Because the modernizations of Reza Shah's period, despite their vast and diversity, contained contradictions that makes Iranian society to internal tensions and crises, and the type of Reza Shah's monarchy belonged to the pre-constitutional period in terms of the logic of historical change and could never include Iran enter to a new era of civilization. Therefore, the origin of contemporary Iranian history is not the coup of 1921, but the Constitutional Revolution.

The press has played an important role in leading public opinion in all human societies, which is why the press is considered the fourth pillar of democracy. The press also played an important role in the constitutional revolution. Although the history of the press in Iran dates back to the mid-nineteenth century, it was mainly during the Constitutional Revolution that Iranians realized the role of informing the press. One of the famous and popular presses of this period was Suresrafil newspaper, which was published under the management of Mirza Jahangir Khan Shirazi and in collaboration with Mirza Ghasem Khan Tabrizi and Mirza Ali Akbar Khan Qazvini known as Dehkhoda. The publication of Suresrafil newspaper started with the victory of the Constitutional Revolution and lasted until the coup d'etat of Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar. During this period, 32 issues of this newspaper were published. The present study, by looking at the role of the press in the constitutional revolution, seeks to examine and express the role of this newspaper in raising public awareness. The method of this research is content analysis which in this research has been used to examine the content and objectives of the publication. The findings of this study show that during the Constitutional Revolution, by promoting liberal ideas and criticizing the authoritarian system, the publication played an important role in enlightening public opinion and modernizing Iran during the constitutional period. The final result of the research shows that political and social newspapers like Souresrafil played a decisive role in Iran's constitutional revolution.

The late Dr. Davood Farihi and Dr. Seyed Javad Tabatabai, two former professors at the Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, each claimed to have an idea about Iran that had taken the form of a kind of intellectual controversy in recent years. After years of theoretical discussion about the decline of Iran, Tabatabai finally looks at the issue of Iran's decline from the position of Iranshahri political thought. Dr. Davood Farihi reads the problem of Iran under the neglect of a change in political thought during the constitutional period that occurred in the Shia world, and that is constitutionalism with the narration of Mirza Naini. The seeds of disagreement between Farihi and Tabatabai on the issue of the method were sown. Farihi's reading of political jurisprudence was influenced by his discourse understanding of the relationship between knowledge and power, which contrasted him with Tabatabai's linear and evolutionary view. Farihi sought to show how the political logic and knowledge relations that govern a particular region of the world, the Islamic world of Iran, differ from its Western counterpart, and it was evident that such a view, by Tabatabai's analysis of degeneration as a kind of backwardness Remaining in linear history was inconsistent with modernity. In this regard, Farihi was strongly influenced by the tyranny and division of knowledge in Islamic civilization. Jaberi, following the discussion on the intellectual and cultural heritage of the Islamic world, divided knowledge in Islamic civilization into at least two eastern and western regions and tried to show that the logic governing knowledge in the East of Islamic civilization is different from the logic governing The West is the world of Islam. Since each of these two respected professors looked at the Iranian problem from a different angle, in recent years, their intellectual tolerance has turned into an intellectual conflict, and each of them has directly criticized the other in his recent works. While examining this intellectual conflict, this article claims a kind of oneness between the critique of both masters; In fact, both professors accuse each other of single theoretical negligence. This article will examine the different aspects of this similar logic.

The late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were the time for the formation of new schools of art in Europe. The rise of realism was the result of fundamental changes in the understanding of the world and a fundamental revision of the relationship between man and the world. In post-labor Europe, the approach of writers and poets, previously based on reason (classics) or on individual fantasies (romantics), changes dramatically and the individual's confrontation with his surroundings became the main subject of this literary school. Realism portrayed the collective feelings and realities around it. This literary school was divided into different branches, including magical realism, bourgeois, critical, surrealism, and so on. The traces of this literary school are also evident in the works of Iranian writers. Iran underwent fundamental political, social, and cultural changes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Therefore, literary movements in Iran have undergone important changes.  Following the Constitutional Revolution, land reform, the entry of the printing industry, translation of literary works, etc., the language and style of writing in Iran changed. Folk, fluent, simple, and humorous language replaced the court and official language. Short stories, footnotes, and socio-historical novels replaced didactic literature and mystical theology.

Javad Tabatabai’s intellectual project has been based on two main axes of the decline of political thought in Iran for the past three decades and in recent decades around the axis of Iranshahri thought. Tabatabai is one of the few writers who has used concepts to explain the history of political thought in Iran within a regular intellectual system, but the scope of his project has caused that not all the themes of Iranshahri political thought have been clearly outlined and studied. This article is an attempt to give a brief description of Tabatabai’s latest work and its important issues such as the position of the First Constitutional Assembly, the concept of tradition, the need to distinguish between nationalism and the Iranian idea, and a reflection on his views, especially on the relationship between his views and issues, contemporary Iran and its criticisms of contemporary intellectuals. The authors argue that although the legacy of ancient Iran is important and significant, without the reconstruction of the classical ideas that are called Iranshahri thought due to Tabatabai's own efforts nowadays, these ideas will remain in a state of ambiguity.

The Constitutional Revolution is one of the most important events in contemporary history or Iran. This revolution had important political and social consequences in Iranian society. The analysts of Constitutional Revolution have dealt with the role of intellectuals, marketers and clerics but this deals with the role of groups such as teachers, students and graduates of new schools in the occurrence of the Constitutional Revolution. This article explains the role of new schools in the victory of the Constitutional Revolution. Gathering evidence by documentary method and analyzing evidence by narrative analysis method. According to historical documents teachers, students and Graduates of new schools were one of the influential forces in the Constitutional Revolution. The curriculum, school teachers, reading critical books and newspapers, formed attitudes, trendencies, and skills in school students who actively participated in the constitutional revolution to change and reform their status que. This article confirms the claim that education can change society.

It’s frequently asked and answered “how” and “why” “Iranian Constitutional Revolution” “happened”? The Constitutional Revolution of Iran has been the subject of many dissertations and investigations during the last century, and continues to receive scholarly attention increasingly. These attempts, however, do not deal with the conditions, under which the idea of the constitution was formed, the gradual development of social changes that finally have crystallized in the constitution, and the way in which the constitution got legitimacy. Briefly characterizing, most of the answers and explanations, are, in one way or another, examples of orientalism. They highlight the defeats of attempts to make reforms in political structures to limit the arbitrary will of the shah and governors of provinces, to bring about a central administration and so on; they point their finger to the strength of despotic structures and resistance of rulers against all of these reforms. They assert that the failure of reforms left no way except Revolution. So, Iranians, who then due to getting familiar with European countries were aware of the constitutional monarchy, when started to protest, started to ask for the constitution, and finally, they were able to force the shah to grant the constitution. The article tries through criticizing Katouzian and Foran’s explanations of the Constitutional Revolution, and exploiting insights of Weber and Durkheim, historically situate the genesis of the so-called “Iranian Constitution” and explain complexities around its formation.

Constitutional movement is a turning point in the contemporary history of Iran that has left deep impacts on the political and social developments of this country. It was a source of large scale and lasting intellectual challenges that have extended to modern-day Iran. One such challenge was the type of confrontation with a despotic royal regime. The Western-oriented constitutionalists, living under the big banner of Western development, introduced a translation-based theory of Constitutional Movement as a substitute for the despotic rule. Ulema, however, had done nothing more than theoretically rejecting legitimacy of governments run by a non-infallible figure or those unauthorized by an infallible authority. They had proposed no positive action as a replacement for the theory of substitution. It was after the Tobacco Movement and the ensuing political atmosphere that Ulema (Muslim scholars) tried to introduce – in an evolutionary understanding – a positive plan for constraining the despotic rule in a way to force it comply with the local requirements. Therefore, they proposed the political system of the Department of Justice or House of Justice (Adalat Khaneh) against the theory of translation-based Constitutional Movement. With a glance at the history of public combats under the leadership of the Ulema ever since the early days of the House of Justice movement up to the final days of public protests before the UK Embassy at the same time with a sit-in by Ulema in Qom, it is clearly understood that the movement’s leaders had come to the conclusion that it was impossible to meet the rights of the nation and to safeguard religion based on individual approaches and that there should be a specific pattern of action to meet these goals.

In this paper we will survey that the first element of renovation in the last years of Qajar dynasty’s dissolution -according to Reza Khan’s desire and will power- and in accordance with what Kemal Ataturk had established before in Turkey, was establishing a republic regime in Iran. This idea intrinsically and potentially caused many contradictions, conflicts, and tensions. To mention the most important one, the regime confronted with dissatisfaction and anger of clerics who after the constitutional revolution had observed attacks and radical action of “the minority of advocates in parliament. Also, they had observed the revolution experience of Turkey in objective and tangible way. So the idea of changing governmental system to republic system with guidance and oppositions of Ayatollah Seyed Hassan Moddares completely failed. After this defeat, the mere effort of the founder of Pahlavi dynasty was to assemble the influential political personalities and elites around the programs like modernization, centralization, political and social developments, iranisation and nationalization. The fact is that fifteen years after the creation of constitutional revolution concurrent with solar years between 1282 to 1300, fundamental accomplishments and constitutional requirements which included Constitutional Law, rule of law, establishment of parliament, freedom, the threat of limiting king’s power and authorities in the framework of the act of law, separating the powers of governments, and other factors all was ignored completely by Reza Khan. Did anarchy, insecurity, and the security issue after the constitutional revolution caused the delay of the urgency of creating a democratic system? As we shall consider it later, fulfilling Reza Khan’s goals was totally very difficult. On the basis of this his first priority was opposing against social division which embody themselves in the form of unruly and disobedient dissociation movements and tribal power which deny to accept the new order, centralization, and national unity. In fact in his opinion tribalism and tribal power was a main impediment to establish a modern and central government. In the first years of Reza Khan’s reign, English and Russian government did not show any opposition to this project. Although sixteen years later in 1320 solar year, both two of the mentioned world power despite their deep-rooted hostility, and due to the common threat from Germany, Italy, and Ottoman Empire allied together and did not hesitate for military occupation and dismissal of Reza Khan from monarchy and exile.

The structure of education in the Qajar dynasty was derived from tradition and was as a kind of reading of religious principles. Three basic components in this period created the process of change in the structure of education in the field of the feminine gender: a) the attention given by European graduates and the intellectuals of the last two decades of the reign of Naser al- adin Shah to the matter of “educating” the women, b) the establishment of schools for girls by American, English and French missionaries in Iran, and c) the introduction of the concept of equality in the constitutional revolution of Iran. The reality is that women's empowerment was one of the main concerns and acts of the constitutionalist intellectuals. As the social relations in the Qajar period did not allow for a solution for the equality issue of women to be introduced, thinking about and using the religious and social concepts in the areas of education and health could bring about the initial changes regarding the female gender was perceived. Therefore, showing attention to the improvement of the social status of Iranian women and the public benefit derived from it thereof, became the main concern of the constitutionalists in the field of women. However, the shift in social traditions caused an extreme reaction from the supporters of the discourse of tradition in regards to the matter of women’s education and the establishment of schools for girls. Hence, many conflicts arose which took place in different contexts such as the parliament, the state, city councils, newspapers, etc. In fact, the introduction of main concepts of constitutionalism such as freedom, law and equality which somewhat were connected to the matter of women, became the main focus point for the conflicts between the discourses of tradition and modernity.

Max weber in his idea and opinions indicate that religion despite its limitation has a way of flexibility and humility coaching's and taught that allows clergyman to give new interpretations feet to new situations
In the course of constitution revolution (enghelab mashroteh) must of clergies not only have been neutral to retrogression of society and didn’t show any reaction but some of them used verses of holy book and religious stories to support tyrannical ways monarchs they even used religious thoughts in opposition of new liberal education and modern organization. On other hand there were clergy's and intellectuals who seeked to represent independent and liberal interpretation of religious taught
They belief not only religion agrees with new education it also has the same basic principal. Important point is that traditional intellectual all desire development and evolution for (omat shieh »shieh nation« but agree in the course of evolution a major part of religious traditions that is a part of cultural history will be lost they believe by setting new rules social independents and development and protection of cultural religious history will.

Following the Constitutional revolution of Iran Persian journalism entered a flourishing period. This paper aims to survey a less-studied Persian newspaper, namely Sorûsh, within a historical framework. Sorûsh was published during a critical period of Iran’s history and we might consider it as a useful source for current ideas of this time. This study which is based mainly on the analytical survey of the articles of Sorûsh, shows that its writers enjoy a distinguished position among the contemporary Iranian thinkers. It seems that Sorûsh ushered in a discursive change in the political culture of this period which was appeared more clearly in a later time trough some modernist periodicals such as Kaveh, Ayandeh and Iranshahr.

The chief intention in this study was to investigate the sociological demands of women in the press of constitutional era with an emphasis on the first edition of New Iran newspaper in 1948. This newspaper published women’s writings that had a demanding approach towards their social rights and also played a great role in their awakening, awareness, and the fruition of their social demands. Documented, descriptive-analytical method was applied in an attempt to gather information in this review. The importance of addressing this era is also due to the active presence of women for the first time in a guild-like association. This era, when women bring up their social demands, their most fundamental request was opening schools for girls and providing education for girls. The fruition of women’s social efforts to get their social demands in the form of girl schools is the focal purpose of this revision.

With regard to cultural studies approach and quality method, This research tries to represents the educational system ideas from Era of constitutionalism until Political Open Space in 1320s in order to perceive it in spite of its democratic nature of social changes, and also focuses on how authoritarian ideology were represented in educational system.
Besides, according to constitutional revolution, forming of quasi-modern and national movement, have democratic ideas been instructed or not?
This research by study of educational system as an important Ideological system in reproduction of power shows that during this period, content and the way of teaching of educational system were adapted with authoritarian discourse that was ruled between dualisms of school / family relation and sensitive subject of school was under inspiration and dictating of some mechanisms such as: authoritarianism, assimilation, dualism, conservatism, fatalism, tenderness, virtue, weaken of self- confidence and patience. Meanwhile there wasnt seemed to be any different and conflict discourse encounter with authoritarian discourse during this period.

Political participation is one of the evidences of person's presence for determining their fate. So, by developing more democracy in the world, noticing to the different aspects of people involvement in the political scene will be highlighted. Political participation is one of the essential prerequisites for the development and progress. In this regard, women as a significant part of the population of each country always suffered from unfair distribution of opportunities and resources. In this study, the researchers tried to answer this question; to what extent did the women politically participate in the Islamic Republic of Iran? The results showed that political participation of the women has increased over Pahlavi Period but there is always a gap to take advantage of women's ability for participation in the political affairs.