جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Revolution » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

According to prevalent narratives, firstly, the Iranian revolution was the outcome of the dominance of the religious-traditional part of the society over the modern part. And secondly, it was the same religious-traditional section that took power and had their sway over the Iranian society after the victory of the revolution. This article wants to challenge both of these narratives. From this article’s perspective, the religious-traditional section of pre-revolutionary Iran itself can be divided into political and non-political parts. The discourse of “political Islam” was different from those of traditional and conservative ones which prevailed among large parts of the religion-oriented population of Iran. But the second and more important point is that even the pre-revolution discourse of political Islam did not remain the same, after the revolution and with the establishment of the Islamic Republic in the 1980s. It was found that during the post-revolutionary era, a new discourse was emerging as a result of the conjuncture of the event of war and “Imam Khomeini’s charisma”. This discourse shaped an ideology that gave legitimacy to the Islamic Republic in the sixties, inevitably demanded obedient and conservative subjects and could not remain the same discourse that nurtured rebellious revolutionary subjects prior to the revolution.

With the occurrence of the French Revolution in 1789, this revolution became an object for the subject, and thinkers in the field of society sought to write a theory for it. However, what was added to the stock of social sciences during nearly two centuries of study, were different and conflicting theories about a single phenomenon that was called revolution. By dividing the studies of revolution into three field of the philosophy of revolution, theories of revolution and the results of revolution, this study stands in results of revolution field and tries to examine the implicit attitudes about the results of revolutions in the political thought of Hannah Arendt and Edmund Burke. what is the difference between Hannah Arendt and Edmund Burke in their view of the French Revolution? What is the reason for this difference? These are the questions that guide this article. The article has come to the conclusion that while Hannah Arendt has a tragic view to the results of revolutions, Edmund Burke's view to the results of revolutions is dramatic. The dramatic view shows the contrast between good and evil forces. Tragic view shows the contrast between multiple values. This article tries to show the difference of attitudes towards the single phenomenon of the results of the French Revolution in the framework of sociology as an art, through the method of comparative study. The goal of this research is to provide a theoretical framework for comparative studies of the results of revolutions.

Social movements have been pervasive phenomena in the last decade and have been called new social movements because of their networked and different nature. The current article has tried to provide a theoretical ideal type of protest actions as an analytical tool, by using the theoretical formulation of Miguel Ebensor and the theoretical descriptions of the theorists of the new movements. From the distinction between life movements / insurgent democracy, with the revolutionary moment / Insurrectionary democracy and reforms / Conflictual democracy. In order to reach this tool, the theoretical works done about the movements have been reviewed and empirically, it has benefited from the content analysis of the texts produced about the 1401 protests in Iran. In presenting the theoretical distinctions of the above three categories, the issue of Iran has been marginalized and the theoretical distinction of these three categories has been presented from the point of view of indicators such as starting point, message, nature, organization, forming groups, leadership and representation, involved places, Media and purpose.

This paper intends to analyze theological arguments in recent years on the fifth generation of revolutionary theories. After the Arab Spring in 2011, given the characteristics of these revolutions, continuous debates took place on how to clarify and analyze these developments. In 1980, Goldstone argued three generations of revolutionary theories, followed by Foren (1993) and Goldstone (2001) who introduced fourth generation of revolutionary theories that unlike third generation, placed more emphasis on revolution as agent. The question of this paper is the emergence of fifth generation of revolutionary theories. Within less than a decade, revolutionary scientists (Allinson, Adams, Laveson, Bayat, Beck, Ritter, Eslim, Donn, …) have extensively argued revolutions in the past three decades (since 1989) and questioned capacity/incapacity of the fourth generation of revolutionary theories in clarifying and analyzing these revolutions. This paper will review such arguments and analyze the fourth generation of revolutionary theories through a critical analytical method to argue the emergence of the fifth generation of revolutionary theories. Results show that revolutions in the past three decades lacked essential components of the fourth generation of revolutionary theories, in particular, ideology, leadership, and revolutionary organization). Therefore, with the help of works by later revolutionary scientists (particularly Bayat (2017), Loveson (2019), Allinson (2021, 2019), and Adams (2021, 2019)) some characteristics of the new generation of revolutionary theories will be accessible according to which, “revolution” has found a new definition, i.e. “collective protest action, sudden (to some extent), relatively calm, nonviolent, coupled with mass mobilization, by extensive use of cyberspace and social networks, without unified leadership and ideology, along with political overhaul in line with democratization of procedures of governance”. The majority of revolutions in the past three decades have taken place against one-party dictatorships (socialist regimes), autocratic dictatorships (despotic single-person regimes in MENA (Middle East and North Africa)). Therefore, despotism has been the cause and ground for revolutions and their consequences have been political (overhaul of political system). Moving away from social revolutions (Skocpol, Foran, Goldstone), and ideological revolutions (Foran, Goldstone), the “new” revolutionary theory is after analyzing a procedure that has caused a political overhaul in despotic regimes.

Presenting hypotheses related to the causes or necessary and/or sufficient conditions of the phenomenon of revolution has been common in many theories of revolution in social sciences. In fact, many important and outstanding works in the field of revolution studies are based on this type of hypothesis. In this article, the claim limit of the existing hypotheses in the sociology of the revolution and their refuting case for experimental testing have been determined. Also, it has been shown that to what extent each causal hypothesis of the type of necessary and/or sufficient conditions can be used in explaining, predicting, and preventing revolution and violent political conflict.

Iran’s 1979 revolution caused some changes in the class structure of society and led to a kind of class mobility. After the revolution, the relationship between the government and social classes formed differently based on the level of adherence of each class to the agreed values of the government. Moreover, freedom and justice-seeking slogans during the revolutionary process were a reflection of the democratic and development demands of the new middle class. Now, considering the reformistic and democratic desires of the new middle class and its role in the process of revolution, we encounter a question what changes has Iran post-revolution’s middle class experienced in terms of size, demands, and interaction with the government?This article, which has been done by documentary analysis, has used two different sets of data: the economic data (consumption expenditure per capita) has been obtained from the Brookings Institute. The second type of data, including the rate of university education and white-collar workers (employment), has been obtained from Iran’s statistical yearbooks and the results of the population and housing censuses for different years in Iran.The findings show that the size of the new middle class has increased which is an outcome of the renovation of the war-torn country, the reforms pursued by the Hashemi Rafsanjani and Khatami states and expanding of education across the country. This new middle class has tried to pursue its demands which have been ignored by the government. This contradiction has created some challenges in the relationship between the government and the new middle class.

The great revolutions, in a general interpretation and regardless of theoretical controversies, are known as great transformations and fundamental changes that destroy the previous social order and establish a new order. In response to the problem which how this change and transformation and reordering manifests there exists different theories in social sciences. The primary formulations of how the new order is established in society were done by social contract theorists and then by political economists. Hobbes's question, however, is at the center of all investigations: How is it possible for people with different desires to form a society? How can different desires make a single embodiment possible? Sociology opposed with different forms of contractarianism which investigated social affairs by means of something outside the social logic; Sociology examined the question of social order within human collective relations; In response to this problem, Durkheim mentions the experience of society as a value connecting element, and Weber considers charisma as the valuer which unites people whether through submission or faith in it. Concepts such as holiness mass excitement; mass ebullition; charisma and mass ecstasy overlap in Durkheim and Webber, which provide the possibility of understanding major social changes through the combination of these concepts. Since revolutions are transformative and organizer events of social life, By analyzing the situation and nature of them, it is possible to answer the question of how social order is formed.

this paper while drawing downward paths of the previous meaning-making apparatus through imperatives of the coexistence of a chain of heterogeneous elements such as war, sanctions, political and social factors, women's demands and Epistemological conflicts, tries to reconstruct conditions for the possibility of this new regime of truth in the object of the body and its positivity. This reconstruction gives centrality to the interaction of a huge number of historical events that present in the situation and especially the changing factors of disease burden pattern in the post-war space, which by providing the conditions for conjunction of the political actions and medical discourse at the junction of creating a healthy city and managing it and by inventing a new type of subjectivity and truth, make the post-revolutionary subjects docile and obedient by eject them into the labyrinth of governmt apparatus.

This article critically examines and evaluates the book “German Philosophy” by Terry Pinkard, translated by Neda Qatouri. The first perspective looks at the content of the book regardless of the Persian translation text and the second perspective looks at the Persian translation of the book and the translator's translation method in terms of advantages and disadvantages. In general, this book has forced the author to find a practical solution to this contradiction by presenting the paradox of Kantian reason in the theoretical field and its extension to the practical field, and the efforts of post-Kantian and post-Hegelian philosophers to find a practical solution to this paradox. To present the historical and social time in the form of the social revolution of German society in the 18th and 19th centuries. Despite the translator's efforts in translating it clearly and well into Persian, there are still some objections to the translator, such as not including an introduction to this book, which we have mentioned in the detailed text; however, this book can be useful for a philosophy student in graduate school. In this article, while reviewing and analyzing the content of this book, we have evaluated the Persian translation and suggestions for improving the translation. This book can be very enlightening and useful as an important source for the study of German philosophy, especially idealistic thinking for those interested in German philosophy.

Rural development, both in terms of approach and policy implementation, has been one of the development concerns of developing countries. In terms of approach, the question has always been whether rural development should follow the techno-bureaucratic approach (from above) or the participatory approach (from below). Which approaches have been sound and valid has always been overshadowed by intellectual-ideological debates. Because the revolution paved the way for the following of alternative approaches to development beyond conventional pre-revolutionary approaches, which relied on less successful experiences with top-down approaches, and this was better reflected in the establishment and evolution of Jihad-e Sazandeghi. Therefore, this article studies the experience of rural development with regard to the ups and downs of the Jihad. Having Explained the Jihad's formation, the article concludes that, first; the top-down approach has gradually given way to the down-top approach, which has been at odds with its existential philosophy. Second, inspired by Michels's theory of bureaucratization, it argues that the Jihad's development goal has gradually been overshadowed by non-developmental functions such as maintaining organization and governing relations. Third, inspired by Ferguson's theory of being consequential of any action or development plan, it argues that the extensive measures of the Jihad in implementing rural projects, especially infrastructure, have had various impacts such as reducing urban and rural gaps and integrating rural communities in society. Therefor these developmental initiatives have provided more macro and qualitative effects that should be regarded as long lasting.

 The psychoanalysis of Jacques Lacan''s thought transcended the boundaries of his field, overshadowing the social, literary, and cinematic arenas. This process shows that psychoanalysis will no longer be reduced to an individual mentality and will continue to expand. Also, political science has come up with new theories that "the personal is political", and its concern is no longer just government, comparative politics, and the constitution. With the relationship between power and knowledge that came with Michel Foucault''s thoughts, we can no longer impose limits on politics. This article attempts to interconnect the gradual expansion of the two fields. This article tries to bridge the gradual expansion of the two disciplines and open a new horizon for political science. This horizon is associated with presenting a new narrative of society''s identity processes by investigating the acceptance or avoidance of other identities through the use of an Imaginary Order and Identification. Beliefs in the symbolic order will lead to the transition from formal political institutions to a system of signs to examine the subjugation of subjects and to explain identity conflicts. Contrary to structuralism, the use of real order, trauma, and fantasy lead to the acceptance that a revolution can be created. Finally, presenting a complex and delicate narrative of the issue of the subject-authority relationship while studying political phenomena can breathe new life into political theory and sociopolitical analysis.

Aim of this research; Discourse Analysis - The ideology of the principled government in the Iranian education system and also the study of the approach of this government in order to represent its discourse through the education system. The present study is a qualitative study that has described, interpreted and explained the nature and elements of the educational discourse in this historical period using the method of Fairclough critical discourse analysis method and Laclau and Mouffe theory.Based on the results of this study, it can be acknowledged that; The principled government, during its executive management, has sought to control, monitor, and intervene in the education system. In many cases, by influencing the process of passing laws, as well as producing content and modifying textbook texts, it has sought to transform the existing cultural-educational discourse and represent the dominant discourse syndrome through the education system.The research findings show that the education of the principled state has distanced itself from the symptoms of the Islamic Social Democrats in terms of discourse and has approached the discourse elements of Islamic ideological traditionalism. Therefore, it emphasizes on God-centeredness, expansion of justice, independence and denial of dependence, protection of the deprived, self-sacrifice, localism, compassion, anti-arrogance, duty-orientation, etc. in its documents.The above discourse elements recreate religious and revolutionary subjects in the framework of the dominant discourse and in line with the complete negation of Western cultural values by challenging the dominant order in the international system. The findings also show that the subject of the principled state is a political subject that conforms to the elements and discourse minutes of the traditional ideological system.

Social stratification and inequality is a phenomenon that has been from long times ago at human societies, while its quality and quantity at different societies have taken various forms. Social stratification at Balochisten has taken pseudo caste form which despite India's caste system, had been supported via underlying factors not religion. Our purpose at this stuy was considering the revolution transformational role at social stratification situation at Balochistan. The current research is important because, yet, hasn’t been considered independently to the revolution and social stratification topic. Documentary method and interviewing with key informed persons at the article have been used. At this article, in addition to refer to aspects of some classic and modern sociologists, we employed some modern theories. Based on the results, by Islamic revolution incidence, the current regime made effort to omit from power equations the previous regime agents and then take into effort favorable forces with regime. At first years of revolution, three groups of khavanin (tribal chief), religion schools educates (Molavies) and academic educates tried to have portion at power equations which among them, Molavies were more success. During occurrence of several national religious and regional ideological actions and arising of contrast between people Molaves and new regime, efforts had done for boycotting Molavies and take to work khavanin. Emergence of wealthy groups at Balochistan influenced most of power equations and made triple groups to rely on it. The results showed that the revolution incidence, made fundamental transformation at Balochistan stratification hierarchy.

Conservatism as an idea or ideology is strongly linked to objective political action and experience. Conservatives are often interested in maintaining what they see as desirable and of course, their resistance to changes deemed necessary by social and historical conditions that have made them prone to titles such as reactionary. The book “Reactionary Mind” has formed and studied the dimensions of this idea especially in Western Europe and the United States with the main claim that the idea of conservatism has always been based on dealing with the revolutionary currents, especially from the left tradition. Although the book is composed of material that has been published separately in different places in the past, it still tries to discuss a common trajectory beyond the study of various historical and political issues. In this article, with a brief look at the idea of conservatism, the view of “Corey Robin”, as the author of this book, is reviewed and criticized according to its Persian translation. In addition, it is tried to survey other dimensions of the idea of conservatism which is ignored and should be covered later.

This paper is about how a revolutionary subject was born at the intersection of language and materiality in Tehran in the lead up to the 1979 Revolution. More specifically, it seeks to illuminate the interconnections between the vocabulary of one of the ideologues of the Iranian Revolution, Ali Shariati, the object world, and the formation of a revolutionary subject in Tehran. This analysis progresses by examining the fusion of things like the moon, bodies, and expensive cologne, on the one hand, and Shariati’s key terms such as “Good and Evil,” “oppression” and “Imperialism,” on the other. Relying on the biographical narrative interpretive method (BNIM), which draws from the sociological tradition of in-depth hermeneutics, the paper shows how the confluence of these linguistic and material worlds afforded and diffused the agencies that traversed the revolution and its subjects. .............................................................................

With respect to the significance of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and its unexpected occurrence, various theories have been presented on this revolution. Given the multiplicity of these theories, this paper intends to present a typology of theories of revolution before identifying social variables and social explanations of a revolution to end up with introducing and studying social explanations of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Given the above, the paper intends to find answers to the following questions: 1- What is social explanation? 2- What are the social explanations for a revolution and those of the Islamic Revolution of Iran? This paper has been developed through a documentary method with library and historical studies. Based on findings of this study, a social explanation is a kind of explanation based on social variables. In case of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, social explanations by such authors and thinkers as John Foran, Ervand Abrahamian, Theda Skocpol, Farideh Farahi, Ahmad Ashraf, Homayoun Katouzian, Abolfazl Delavari and Ahmad Golmohammadi have been introduced as social explanations of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The most important social variables that social explanations of the Islamic Revolution of Iran put forward for clarification of the Islamic Revolution are the following: role of social classes and different walks of life in the revolution; class coalition; emergence of new classes and walks of life, particularly middle class and educated class; status of traditional classes and walks of life; social structure (mass-civil and traditional-modern-transient); social identity; population growth, a change in population fabric and social status of the government and the dissent.

Revolutionary waves have always been a challenge to political systems. The culmination of these revolutions was in the twentieth century. In the 21st century, revolutions have become a serious challenge to the political systems of the Middle East and North Africa. To explain why and how the revolution took place, the general theories and models of the revolution have been presented by political scientists. This is especially true for sociologists of the revolution. Hossein Bashirieh, a former associate professor at the University of Tehran with a specialization in political sociology, is trying to provide general analytical models in this regard. The book From Crisis to Collapse: An Inquiry into the Persistence or Collapse of Political Systems is written with this approach in mind, which will be reviewed and criticized in this study. In this regard, a general introduction about the work and the author will be presented in the introduction. Then, in the second topic, in two separate domains, the formal and content aspects of the work are examined, and finally, in the third topic, with a critical approach, the formal and content shortcomings of the book are mentioned. Moreover, the conclusion is the final part of this article

Freedom is a key concept and a vital necessity that enriches human life to the full. Freedom to resist is a kind of freedom that seeks to promote awareness and to legitimize this right in the fight against domestic despotic and colonial rule and in gaining independence in life against the external powers. Justice is indeed the cornerstone of freedom to resist, something that Islam has emphasized in all its aspects. Therefore, the theory of political jurisprudence contrives and constitutes various aspects of the society and expresses human rights and duties based on Sharia law in various political and social issues. Freedom to resist emerges in such forms as civil disobedience and revolution, so that its infrastructures may be sought in three religious, sociological and anthropological groups. It can be also traced in traditions and narratives, the Book and in the jurisprudential principles of expediency justice, important and more important issues, prohibition of innovative manners, dissimulation and principle of no foreign influence. It bears mentioning that freedom to resist may be limited when its strength of action leads to violation of the social order, damage to others, and weakening of Islam or Islamic government.

Theda Skocpol’s theory about Iranian Islamic Revolution has been recognized as one of the suggested views about this case which was investigated in a book entitled "Review and Critique of Theories of the Islamic Revolution; Theda Skocpol’s Theory ". The author of this book prepared beneficial discussions for this theory helpful for the demonstration of Skocpol’s significance in these fields, mainly the methodology she offered in her theory about social revolutions. The leading problem with this book seems to exist in a critique of the theory of Skocpol. The author tried to categorize critiques around this theory. This classification which includes the critiques within the paradigm, outside the paradigm and internal textual criticisms, faces with two major objections. The first objection refers to the foundation of this categorization. The second objection maintains that these criticisms – particularly in the first and second group of critiques – have indirect and distant relationship with the analysis of Theda Skocpol of the causes of the revolution in Iran. In addition, the author in the critique of the theory of Theda Skocpol ignored two important points. The first point was the SKocpol's reliance to the Rentier State’s theory concerning with the nature of the government in Iran in the era of the Islamic Revolution. The other was the Skocpol’s shift in her theory about the causes of the rise of social revolutions as a result of the occurrence of Islamic Revolution in Iran. If the respected author understood these cases seriously and genuinely, he could be more successful in the criticism of the Skocpol theory as his accuracy in writing up this theory.