جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « saudi arabia » در نشریات گروه « فقه و حقوق »

Until a decade ago, the name of Saudi Arabia for the international community was synonymous with the use of domestic hard power such as executions, the murder of Khashoggi and such things, but for some time now, this country has been able to change its attitude in domestic and foreign policy with a tool such as the development of foreign policy. Football reforms and diplomacy should try to improve the image of Saudi Arabia in the minds of the world. Therefore, in recent years, this country has been developing ideas and taking practical measures in line with projects such as Neom, which is more based on the expansionism of the country's foreign policy than it is in line with the internal development of Saudi Arabia. Now, by mentioning this introduction, the main question of this research can be explained by what goals and tools are the development projects of Saudi Arabia in the domestic and foreign arenas? brought up The research method of this article is qualitative and with a descriptive and analytical approach, which can also be used to collect information from articles, books and websites. Since this research is exploratory, we refrain from giving hypothesis. By analyzing the information gathered in this regard, it can be concluded that Saudi Arabia's projects are planned based on unrealities, but it has tried to take steps in this field based on the facts. It seems that this country, despite having abundant energy reserves as well as rich financial resources, will suffer an increasing crisis of identity in the near future in order to raise the level of expectations of the Saudi society​

Along with the globalization of communication and the effective presence of the media in the international arena, traditional diplomacy has changed and "media diplomacy" has emerged as one of the main branches of the foreign policy apparatus. In the past two decades, the importance of using international media has caused the powers of the West Asian region, such as Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar, to think of benefiting from these media. In this regard, this article has been written with the aim of explaining and understanding Saudi Arabia's media diplomacy in West Asia through the media activism of "Iran International" network. The results and findings of this research, which was carried out using the analytical descriptive method, indicate that: Saudi Arabia, after King Salman came to power in 2015, in order to strengthen its foreign policy in pursuit of media hegemony and the use of media tools. It has been in dealing with regional rivals, such as helping to launch the anti-Iranian network "Iran International" against the Islamic Republic of Iran can be counted as one of these measures.

This research is about the special system of Shiite human rights in Saudi Arabia . According to the international law , there are many different definitions for the concept of minority ; and many of the scholars believe that minorities must be subject to certain human rights system to have extra support , besides taking advantage of the universal human rights, due to their vulnerability against the ruling majority . Considering this fact that based on the internationally accepted definitions and principles , the Saudi Arabian Shiites are regarded as a religious minority and in spite of Saudi government not excepting them as a religious minority , they have certain rights to preserve their existence and identity . One of the most fundamental rights of the Saudi Arabian Shiites is the right of self - determination that in this article it’s going to evaluated using the descriptive -analytical method .

The visibility of political systems based on Islamic ideals in the contemporary era has led the minds of the searchers to explain how these systems are treated with Islamic principles. In the current era, there are few countries that have a majority Muslim population and the ruling political system even seems to have its own adjective of Islam in face, but in the legal system of these countries there is no trace of Islamic law. However, regardless of the various types of communication between religion and government, one of the most important and most sensitive positions that reflect the behavior of countries with Islamic laws is current laws in countries, especially criminal and penal laws. The present article examines the legal systems of the four countries of Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, focusing on the models of communication between the Sharia and the legal system, so that the entry or non-entry of Islamic rulings into the criminal law of each one is clarified. In this article have been considered Iran and Iraq as two main sites of the Shias of the world with different legal systems, as well as Saudi Arabia and Egypt, as two powerful and influential Sunni stances, though distinctly different from each other.

During recent 3 years, Yemen faced serious violations of many fundamental principles of humanitarian law. During the war, the Saudi government committed several actions, including violating the principle of separation and attacking civilian populations and the use of banned weapons. The international community was waiting for the response of influential institutions and governments, especially the UN Security Council, but those institutions were silent against the obvious violation of humanitarian law in Yemen. The purpose of this study is to identify the most important cases of violation of international humanitarian law by Saudi Arabia during the armed conflicts in Yemen. The study has been conducted through a descriptive-analytical method. The result of this study shows that in attacking Yemen Saudi Arabia, has violated many of the principles of international humanitarian law, including principle of limitation of choosing of any method and means of warfare, principle of the prohibition of attacks on civilian populations and residential areas. For this reason, Saudi Arabia has international responsibility and must be prosecuted by the International Criminal Court.

The non-interventionism principle for non-interfering in internal and external affairs of states, being the given result of equality between governments, is one of the known, incontestable principles in international law and it not only enjoys a high position in united nation charter but also in international relationships of states. It's position in international relationship is so significant that in several cases, it set the stage for transforming the current situation into an active controversy; thus, the regulators of the charter of United Nations tried to inhibit states from interfering in other state's affairs through significant experiences of World War I and II as well as through relying on the principle of “banning the use of force by states”. However, the present tendency of states in international scene affirms the fact that the non-interventionism sometimes is subject to the interests of international governments, and the interests and expediencies of states affect the validity and legitimacy of this principle. This article analyzes the non-interventionism in the recent international procedure and the intervention of Saudi Arabia in Yemen and the assessment of the legitimacy of its intervention.

Woman and women’s rights frequently has been investigated in different countries. In history, the role of woman and her place has experienced countless changes. Sometimes the woman is considered superhuman and Sometimes they have made her look like something. And tried to own her. With the passage of time, the emergence of religions, especially the religion of Islam, and the full support of Islam from the status of women and human progress in various fields of social, political, cultural was changed attitude to the woman. In particular, the role of woman was considered in Islamic countries. What Western Societies after World War II recognized, under the title of human rights documents for protecting human rights, especially women’s rights , Islam had considered them centuries ago. But the emergence of self-made religions like Wahhabism, in Saudi Arabia, and the support of the Saudi government for this religion caused to wiped out rights listed in Islam on women’s rights in this country. Saudi Arabia have returned to the period of ignorance under the control of the Wahhabism . On most legal, social and educational issues women turned to the object. The question is how do human rights institutions only report about Saudi women (Universal Periodic reports in 2009 and 2013)? And why do not they do anything about the demand for women’s rights in Saudi Arabia. This paper has been compiled by the library method.

Human rights is considered as one of the main priorities of the United Nations and it plays a major role in culture and literature in different societies. The governments as the main audience are obligated to cooperation and efforts in order to improve it. The Human Rights Council is one of the principal organs of the United Nations. Unlike the Human Rights Commission was a subsidiary organ of the UN Economic and Social council but Human Rights Council has become one of the pillars of the UN General Assembly. There is a sharp distinction between the Human Rights Council and the Commission on Human Rights that is its legal features. The council was established with the aim of defending human rights. In this context, although it was more efficient than the Human Rights Commission but, with its political views about some issues of the council, it has failed to reach its main goal finally. In this article, we tried to explain the status of human rights with regard to the Human Rights Council.

Following the developments in recent decades in the Middle East, many tragic events have unfolded in this region. From the imposed war of Iraq's dictator, Saddam Hussein, against Iran in the 1980s, Kuwait's occupation by Baathist Iraq, acts of aggression by Israel's regime against Lebanon, Gaza along with other incidents, Military intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq by the United States and its allies, brutal and criminal acts of violence committed by terrorist groups in Iraq and Syria with the support of regional and trans-regional powers, to the most recent military intervention and acts of war against the people of Yemen. Not only have these events been in violation of fundamental rules and principles of the International law, but they have also endangered the current international order. Unfortunately, the international practice especially responses by a number of States and international organizations have not been as expected. This essay reviews the facts and issues regarding the military intervention in Yemen according to the rules and principles of International Law and International Customary Law, to prove it as an unjustified and illegitimate act.

Pursuant to the establishment of the united nation human rights council, human rights situation in Saudi Arabia has been considered and evaluated in many cases. First we are going to study on the universal periodic review and then we will examine the periodic review outcome reports of Saudi Arabia in the years 2009 and 2003. In these reports we will read recommendation of other countries and the replies presented by the state. After that we will proceed to study on the reports of special rapporteurs. Such reports incorporate many human rights cases like: false arrests, freedom of religion, violence against women, refugees’ rights, forced disappearance, human rights activists’ situations, torture and other inhuman or degrading treatments and freedom of expression and thought.

This paper tries to discuss the nature of Iran and Saudi Arabia''s competition in Syria by employing descriptive-analytical approach. Saudi Arabia believes that Iranian action in Syria is associated with the project of Shiite Crescent¡ Thus they will see Iran as a threat for their future influence in the region. Thus¡ the main research question is what is Semantic significance of Syrian crisis for two competing discourses? The proposed hypothesis in this paper is that the perusing contradictory objective and interests by two involving parties are the main grounds leading to hostility between two nations. Findings show that conflict between two nations is grounded in contradictory objectives held by two parties in the region as a whole and in Syria in particular. Findings also show that¡ based on power politics framework¡ each of two nations try to increase and solidify their power and that of their allies in the region and be the dominant force.

The absence of the most important oil exporting countries in the final round of Uruguay leave the commercial debates of energy sector out of the relevant discussions. This is while the contemporary debates about the participation of these countries in WTO cause to some serious concerns about their rights and duties concerning transactions in energy sector. This scenario has especially important for Iran as a country which is going to end the WTO accession process. In this regard the relevant countries face to several challenges like the necessity of the change of internal regulations, the situation for foreign investors and the conflict obligations which should be scrutinized. This article also explores whether the obligations and practices of the WTO and OPEC are necessarily incompatible. The central focus is to explain the proposition that OPEC-mandated production quotas operate as de facto export restraints and are thus prohibited by GATT Article XI:1. The Note is divided into several parts. First, it argues that there is an inherent difference between controlling the production of a nation's resources and imposing quantitative restrictions on the amount of those resources that can be exported abroad subsequent to production. It suggests that the WTO Appellate Body would likely find that Article XI:1 is not properly applied to quantitative production restrictions. Then, it describe that Article XI:1 is applicable to production quotas. Third, it examines the viability of certain affirmative defenses contained in the GATT exceptions clauses. These defenses could bring OPEC members back into compliance with their WTO obligations if they were found to be in violation of Article XI:1. Finally it examines the possibility that a defense might exist in the Article XXXVIII provision for intergovernmental agreements intended to promote the interests of developing countries.